Thursday, May 17, 2012

Part I - The Divine Skein - Dallas


Divine Skein – A Dissection of the Intelligence Network that Conducted the Covert Operations that Resulted in the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

  1. The Divine Skein – the assassination of JFK
  2. An Assassin’s Tour of Dallas – Warts and All. Wes Wise tour of Dallas
  3. The Collins Radio Connection – the Rosetta Stone.
  4. The Braden File
  5. Bottlefed By Oswald’s NANA – CIA Media Assets feed the public hogwash.[NI]
  6. Maurice Bishop and David Atlee Phillips – CIA spymaster pulls strings.
  7. The Catherwood Foundation – Private Fund serves as conduit and cover for CIA.
  8. The Cuban Aid Relief – CIA front group helps refuges from Cuba
  9. Julio Fernandez
  10. Foreknowledge and Black Prop Ops – Assassination and Psychological Warfare
  11. ONI – Office of Naval Intelligence – smallest, oldest and most secretive 
  12. CIAir – CIA Airlines Leave Vapor Trails of Intrigue
[NI – Not included here, but will be added when scanned or retyped]

Forward – JFK – The Third Decade after the Assassination - 1993

1) THE DIVINE SKEIM – not just a conspiracy, a covert operation.

THE DIVINE SKEIM

The assassination of President Kennedy was a Watershed event in modern American history, the ramifications of which have yet to be fully realized.

The details of the crime, the ballistics, acoustics, autopsy and medical evidence are covered elsewhere. This report concerns the covert intelligence operations that resulted in the death of the President, and the black propaganda operations that continue to this day to manipulate the news and the judicial system to shield those responsible.

The time and the place – 12:30 pm, Houston and Elm streets, Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas, Friday, November 22, 1963, are firmly etched in our national subconscious, and the picture of that square acre of time and place are constantly played back in the media and in our minds.

If Dealey Plaza were pictured as a giant mosaic wall mural, broken into pieces like a puzzle, we would have a pretty good idea of what occurred there. Only a few pieces are still missing – the faces in the shadows, the names of which are not even necessary to understand what happened there.

Although there are many theories as to what transpired at Dealey Plaza that day, the events, as they actually occurred, only happened one way, and it is the job of the social scientists, the independent researcher, journalists, teachers and historians to determine that truth as closely as possible.

Some people might consider this crime ancient history even though it is still such a current event that indictments can still be brought down by a grand jury for crimes related to the assassination - destruction of evidence, obstruction of justice, perjury, homicide and conspiracy, if not treason.

Besides the issues of justice and historical perspective, it is important to know for oneself as well as for our mutual national security, whether the murder of the president was an unplanned, spontaneous psychological act of a homicidal maniac or a very well planned and executed coup d’etat.

John F. Kennedy was either killed by a deranged lone-nut, as the Warren Report has concluded, or he was the victim of a conspiracy by a clandestine action team of covert agents, as much of the evidence suggests. The truth must either be one way or the other, and cannot be both.

If the assassination of JFK was the work of one deranged, lone-nut, the lessons to be learned from the tragedy are far less significant than what we can learn from it if Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy. If the President was not killed by a lone-nut, the ramifications extend from our own curious need to know into the realms of justice and our national security today.

While the Secret Service and national security apparatus have taken the lone-nut contingency into protective consideration, the covert conspiracy must be unraveled and understood in order to prevent it from happening again.

Those who believe Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone on his own perverted psycho impulses can close the book on the case and go home, and let the psychologist take over, while those who want to pursue the truth behind the conspiracy that killed the president can continue. While the quest does seem like falling into a rabbit hole and bumping into the wilderness of mirrors, you can find the way with an understanding of the history and techniques of intelligence networks.

Not for the sake of argument, but for the sake of analysis, a competent homicide investigator would proceed first by assuming that JFK was killed as an act of elimination, and it was not only a conspiracy, but a more distinctly defined covert intelligence operation.

Although anyone with the training and knowledge can conduct such clandestine operations, because of the extensive cover-up that occurred after the fact, the plot to murder the President must have had its origin in the very heart of the United States government.

But because a covert operation, by its very name and nature is meant to be concealed, you must look through a special spectrum to see it. This crystal ball, as my associate John Judge describes it, is similar to an onion, with layers of meaning that can be peeled off, and only understood if you are trained and educated in the crafts, techniques, means, methods and history of such special covert intelligence operations.

Allen Dulles, author of "The Craft of Intelligence," once said that the biographical method of study is a good way to approach any subject, and Lee Harvey Oswald is one of the first individuals you have to come to know to understand the assassination of JFK.

While a homicide investigator on the street may not have the historical background or training, let alone the resources to identify and investigate state supported intelligence operations, basic instincts will tell you something and give you a clue. Every homicide investigation begins with a body, and leads to a suspect, who can usually be identified as one who had the means, motive and opportunity to commit the crime.

Oswald had the means, the U.S. Marine Corps training, experience and the tools to kill. Having worked in a building at the scene of the crime must make JFK the first assassination victim to ever go to the scene of his murder, rather than be stalked by assassins. And indeed, the idea the assassin actually worked at the scene of the crime, and the presidential motorcade route was designed to pass his window is certainly suspicious, if not evidence of high-level conspiracy itself.

The problem with Oswald as the assassin is that he had no motive. He actually liked JFK. Not even the Warren Commission would try to apply a motive to Oswald, who they concluded killed JFK alone.

The more you learn about Oswald the more you realize he is not the most important character in the assassination drama, but a pawn in the game of bloodthirsty power politics.

Although Oswald may have been a loner, he was seldom alone and not deranged. He was definitely an agent, but for whom has yet to be determined.

SUN TZU – THE ART OF WAR – THE DEVINE SKEIN

Allen Dulles took a book with him to the first meeting of the Warren Commission, a book about American assassins and how they, historically, all appear to be psychologically deranged lone-nuts, which he recommended the other commissioners read. If he was more interested in determining the truth about the assassination he would have them read his own book, "The Craft of Intelligence," in which he promotes Sun Tzu’s ancient manual "The Art of War."

In the chapter "The Employment of Secret Agents," Sun Tzu says, "Now the reason the enlightened prince and the wise general conquer the enemy wherever they move, and their achievements surpass those of ordinary men, is foreknowledge."

"What is called foreknowledge cannot be elicited from spirits, nor from the gods, nor by analogy with past events, nor from calculations. It must be obtained from men who know the situation."

"Now there are five sorts of agents to be employed. These are: native, inside, double, expendable and living." A native agent is one of the nationality of the enemy. An inside agent is one who lives and works in the enemy’s camp. A double agent is an enemy agent who works for both sides. An expendable agent is one that can be cut loose after achieving his goal, while a living agent is one that can get into the enemy camp and return with information."

Sun Tzu writes: "When these five types of agents are all working simultaneously and none knows their message of operation, they are called ‘The Devine Skein," and are the treasure of the sovereign."

And even today in the world of satellite and communication intelligence, human intelligence is still an indispensable method of determining motives and anticipated action, and the nature of the clandestine network in action is still the most reliable means of learning the intentions of other people and governments.

In the case of the assassination of President Kennedy, individuals had foreknowledge of the event because of their affiliation with such a network, and such foreknowledge itself is evidence that there was a conspiracy behind the assassination.

In this regard, little has changed. The same type of agents are classified and utilized today as they were in Sun Tsu’s day, as well as at Dealey Plaza. Their method of operation is known as compartmentalization, where each man knows only his job, and may not even know who is paying him to do it.

Thus, if the assassination of JFK was the work of a covert action team, the men who pulled the triggers probably didn’t know who they were working for, and did it because they were well trained, paid professional marksmen and killers.

Those who maintain Oswald was the lone-assassin also portrays him as a low life loser, who couldn’t hold a job, beat his wife and hated authority and society, while actually, if he was the lone-gunman, was, if nothing else, and as Sam Giancana more correctly described him, a great marksman and assassin.

Born in New Orleans and raised there in his formative years, Lee Harvey Oswald worked as a messenger on the docks for Leon Tujague, served in the Civil Air Patrol, enlisted in the US Marine Corps, like his older brother. Oswald served as a radar operator at a U2 base in Japan and at San Diego before being discharged and defecting to the Soviet Union. Returning a few years later with a Russian wife and daughter, Oswald lived in Texas, supported by a group of White Russians who worked for oil companies and defense contractors. After working at Jaggers-Chiles-Stoval graphics firm, Oswald was implicated in the shooting of Gen. Ed Walker, and relocated back to New Orleans. There he worked for Reilly Coffee and instigated Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities before going to Mexico City in a failed attempt to get a visa to Cuba. Returning to Dallas, Oswald worked at the Texas School Book Depository, and owned the rifle found at the scene of the assassination.

Without knowing anything else about Oswald, every intelligence analyst worth their salt would proceed by assuming that Oswald, the alleged assassin of the President, was a covert operative and part of a foreign or domestic state-supported intelligence network.
Oswald was a covert operative and clandestine agent, trained in what Allen Dulles calls "the crafts of intelligence" – foreign language, electronics, communications, codes, ciphers and tradecraft – avoiding surveillance, microdot photography and the writing of clear, concise reports.

In Sun Tzu’s terms, Oswald served as both an inside and double agent, in Russia and against the Cubans.

But Oswald was not a very good gunman. Rather, as the evidence indicates, Oswald was just what he claimed to be, a patsy, and fall guy – framed for a crime he didn’t commit, and killed as the expendable agent.

It is not the technicians, the gunman or hit men who killed JFK, rather it was the covert operators at the top of the clandestine pyramid who arranged for the assassination of the President. The intelligence officers, the knights, bishops and rooks, to use their own analogy, were the kingpins who pulled the chains of puppets and pawns like Oswald.
Sun Tzu calls the men at the top "the wise general and the sovereign," and the network of agents "the Devine Skein," giving it a sort of deity, or god-like connotation, since only the patriarch at the top knows all that is going on during the game. He is like a God, looking down on the mortals below and controlling their destiny at his whim.

But actually, crimes committed by men can be solved by men, and now over 40 years after the fact, ordinary people can look down, peak through the glass onion, and see The Big Picture. It’s a moving picture that leaves Dealey Plaza on the trail of the assassins, and leads to the individuals who changed history by getting away with murder.
The names of the real assassins will never become as famous as Lee Harvey Oswald, but I am convinced that we will come to know them. Will it even matter, especially if they are all dead? Probably not. We look through the glass onion not to name the guilty, but to see today’s circumstances in the proper perspective. If Oswald was just crazy, nothing else would make sense. But when you see the Devine Skein through the glass onion, what happened at Dealey Plaza comes into focus and more clearly seen.

William Manchester, who failed to find a conspiracy in writing "The Death of the President," wrote, "…if you put the murdered President of the United States on one side of the scale and that wretched waif Oswald on the other side, it doesn’t balance. You want to add something weightier to Oswald. It would invest the President’s death with meaning, endowing him with martyrdom. He would have died for something. A conspiracy would, of course, do the job nicely. Unfortunately, there is no evidence whatever that there was one."

But the evidence is there if you know what to look for. It isn’t a conspiracy theory, but rather a covert understanding of events.

We might not have the piece of the puzzle with a "smoking gun," (though there are many "smoking documents" found at the National Archives), but the overwhelming circumstantial evidence fits very nicely with the covert history of current events.
When Oswald’s criminal personality profile is seen as a covert intelligence operative, part of a network and a player in the Great Game, the psychological makeup of that "wretched waif" is of little consequence, while the Devine Skein quite nicely balances out the scales of history and understanding, if not justice.

And because they set it up so they remain anonymous no-name figures in the shadows doesn’t mean we can’t figure out who put together what happened at Dealey Plaza.
The tools of the social scientist are limited. We can read and interview. In the end we must judge for ourselves what is real and what is not. A homicide detective once emphasized that even if you know who the murder is, you still need to acquire the evidence necessary to convict him in a court of law.

But the journalist, historian and intelligence analysis do not have to meet those same standards to know the truth. The majority of the American people have always known, almost assumed there was a conspiracy, even if they couldn’t see through the glass onion clearly. They know in their hearts that something was wrong with the official version of events, and that there is more to the assassination than one lone-nut, that "wretched waif" Oswald.

At one of the last meetings of the Warren Commission, Allen Dulles argued against the publication of the Commission’s records and documents, preferring them to be kept classified and locked away. Finally he relented, saying, "Okay, go ahead and publish the stuff, the people won’t read it anyway."

More and more people are now reading those records, and deciding for themselves who killed Kennedy, and someday they may even do something about it.

John Judge says that the people who killed JFK were merely telling us, "We killed the son of a bitch and you can’t do anything about it."

Philadelphia attorney Vincent Salandria calls it the "Transparent Conspiracy," where it was prearranged for anyone who took up the trail of the assassins to be led into a labyrinth of never ending trails, dead ends and Machiavellian intrigues.

Even though you may not be able to do something about it, in order to learn the truth you have to jump into the rabbit’s hole, get into the "House of Mirrors" and figure out how the magic trick was done.

You can’t get caught up the details of the ballistics, trajectories, acoustics, autopsies and caskets. Forget the "single-bullet theory," and quit arguing about the details.

Whatever happened at Dealey Plaza was a conspiracy and coup d’etat, a magic trick that you can’t be told how it is done, you have to figure it out.

In order to see the Transparent Conspiracy through the glass onion, you have to follow the leads out of Dealey Plaza, take up the cold trail and follow the evidence where ever it leads.

2) Wes Wise Tour of Dallas – Warts and All –

The Assassins Tour of Dallas

On November 22, 1963 Dallas TV and radio news reporter Wes Wise waited in vain for President John F. Kennedy to arrive at the Dallas Trade Mart. There was to be a luncheon with special guests, where gifts would be given to the Kennedys for them and their children, but Kennedy never made lunch, having been ambushed and gunned down in Dealey Plaza.

Two days later Wes Wise was assigned to film the accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald as he was being transferred to the Dallas County jail, just across the street from where Kennedy was murdered. But Oswald too, was a no show. Jack Ruby shot and killed him in the basement garage of Dallas City Hall.

Thwarted on two assignments during the most excruciating weekend in his life, Wise kept an interest in the case from the time he was pounding the streets as a beat reporters through his promotion to TV anchor and later as mayor of Dallas. And he’s still on the beat, videotape recording oral histories of assassination witnesses for the Dallas County Historical Society, which now has offices in the former Texas School Book Depository (TSBD), the alleged assassin’s lair.

The day after the assassination Wise was assigned to trace Oswald’s movements from the TSBD to the Texas Theater in Oak Cliff where he was captured. It was an assignment he is still, in a sense, pursing. Of all the reporters in Dallas who covered the assassination, it was Wes Wise who set of a small spark on the fuse of a time bomb that’s yet to explode – the evidential outcome of one reporter’s small but significant clue to the crime of the century. A clue that is still being run down nearly 30, now fifty years later.

I first read about Wes Wise in the published reports of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). It was listed under the heading “Oswald-Tippit Associates,” and labeled “The Wise Allegation,’ although Wes Wise never made any allegations. He just followed his reporter’s instincts, which led him into a labyrinth of intrigue involving a fleeing suspect and a ’57 Plymouth. Wise either came up with a fantastic coincidence, or a clue that could lead to the unraveling of the conspiracy and the eventual solving of the crime.

So when I was in Dallas I called Wes Wise on the telephone and took him up on his offer to give me a tour of the town.

We began at the once and forever Texas School Book Depository, which now houses the Sixth Floor Museum that overlooks Dealey Plaza, the scene of the crime.

THE TEXAS SCHOOL BOOK DEPOSITORY – DEALEY PLAZA

People come here from all over the world to see the place where John F. Kennedy was murdered. At any time of the day or night you will find people walking around, pointing up to the sixth floor corner window of the TSBD and walking behind the picket fence on the Grassy Knoll. It is a daily ritual that is acted out over and over, every day and every night.

People realize that something significant happened here, and Dealey Plaza acts as a vortex of our political and social culture, drawing pilgrims to the place where it happened. Dealey Plaza is an American political Mecca. Some pull a plank off the wooden picket fence – a relic to take home with them.

“It’s the number one tourist attraction in Dallas, and may be the most popular in Texas, as I don’t think the Alamo even surpasses it as far as public interest,” says Wise, as we sit in his car on Elm Street, sort of a dead end alley that runs in front of the TSBD. An historical marker on the side of the building tells the story. You can see the scar on the bronze plaque where it was amended, on a more recent date, to qualify Lee Harvey Oswald as the “alleged” assassin. Things just don’t seem as definitive as they once did.

“I remember Eddie Barker, the KLRD (now KDFW) news director saying this corner will never be the same again,” reflects Wise, “and I kind of agree with him, but didn’t realize quite how much so.”

A hot dog vendor is set up next to the curb; a young man hawks a newspaper, “The Dealey Plaza Times,” catering to the tourists.

“The assassination of this man had such a tremendous impact on us,” Wise continues. “At the ten year mark people said that would be the end, and we could all forget about it. But here we are now, nearly 30 years later, and if anything, there is much more interest in all of this.”

The Sixth Floor exhibit, a multi-media museum, attracts bus loads of school children, and travelers can’t pass through downtown Dallas without paying a pit stop homage to Dealey Plaza.

Although it is controversial for not including conspiracy theories, and only parroting the official version of events, Wise says “The exhibit captures the impact the assassination had on us, as well as the Kennedy mystique, and much of that sort of history.”

The new generation just learning about the assassination of JFK might know the place, the time and the date – 12:30 pm, Friday, November 22, 1963, Dealey Plaza, Dallas, Texas, but to really understand the significance of JFK’s murder you have to put it into an historical context. “I think the background of Dallas at the time is important, and the Sixth Floor exhibit is fair with it, although it doesn’t show Dallas, warts and all,” reflects Wise, who proceeds to drive east on Elm a few blocks before he pulls over to the corner of the Greyhound Bus station.

THE GREYHOUND BUS STATION

The way most people figured it is that Oswald left the TSBD shortly after the assassination, within minutes, and walked about seven blocks east from Dealey Plaza. No one knows where he was going, but then he takes a bus heading back towards Dealey Plaza. Where he was going, if anywhere, is a mystery.

“To get some perspective,” Wise explained, “the School Book Depository is two blocks west and two blocks north.”

Sitting at the curb facing the northeast, the direction Oswald headed immediately after the assassination, I observed, further on down the street, a large skyscraper with the words “Southland” on it, asked Wise about it and jotted the name down in my notes. 

Later that very day I met with former Congressional investigator Gaeton Fonzi, and asked him in which building lobby in Dallas did Antonio Vechina meet with his CIA case officer “Maurice Bishop” and find him meeting with Oswald?  Fonzi said, “The Southland Building,” thus presenting another possible destination for the fleeing Oswald, though one that he apparently had a change of mind about before getting there.

Oswald got on a bus heading back towards the scene of the crime, and got off at this location. “Now this area was just packed with people who were standing along the sidewalks, it was about eight or ten people deep, a very friendly, pro-Kennedy crowd. When the bus got caught in a traffic jam, he got off right here near this corner, or just beyond it.”

The bus driver later identified Oswald, as did another passenger, Mrs. Bledsoe, Oswald’s former landlady. He took a bus transfer ticket and got off the buss, and within minutes, the bus was boarded and searched by policeman.

Oswald then got in a cab. The cab driver said that Oswald flagged him down, then offered the cab to a little old lady, hardly the actions of an assassin fleeing the scene of a crime.

“He apparently did several things that were uncharacteristic of a person who was uptight or upset,” notes Wise.

The cab took Oswald back through Dealey Plaza, which at the time was the most confusing and chaotic place on earth. Once a memorial to a local publisher, it suddenly became the most important dateline in the world.

Wise pulls over to the curb across the street from the TSBD.

“On the day after the assassination I talked my way up to the 6th floor with a camera and filmed the scene,” Wise recalls. “Going up to the 6th floor was really an eerie experience at the time because it was dark, dank and dusty, and people were still going around investigating the evidence.”

“Taking my way up there was typical of the way it was then, compared to the way it is now,” Wise explains. Now tourists must get passed two uniformed security guards and a metal detector to visit the Sixth Floor Museum. If the president only had as much protection.

“I had been on TV for years, prime time, as sports anchor, and since most policemen are sports fans, practically anyplace I went in Dallas they just motioned me in. So when I went up there, a federal agent stopped me. I had a camera in my hand, and this guy there says, “Hey, this is Wes Wise, he’s been here for years,” and so they let me go up to the 6th floor and take pictures. Other newsmen got up there, but not at the same time I did.”

Back on the street, Wise said that he called in to his office on the 2 way radio to say he was going out to Oak Cliff to where the cab driver took Oswald on the previous day. “I was in a marked KLRD News car and parked adjacent to the curb just across the street from the Depository. My assignment, from KRLD news director Eddie Barker, was to trace Oswald’s steps as closely as we knew, his movements after the assassination, as best we could.”

“As I was putting up the microphone of the radio I sort of caught a glimpse of this guy out of the corner of my eye. I could see a man in a suit and hat, and it was exactly the same suit and hat he had on the next day. It was Jack Ruby. And he says, ‘Oh, wasn’t this awful, Wes? Jackie is going to have to come back and testify while those poor kids…I can’t imagine it.’”

Wise described to him how he had been stationed at the Trade Mart, waiting for Kennedy’s arrival, and what a sad scene that was when people learned what had happened. “I told him about these saddles from Neiman-Marcus that were gifts for Carolyn and John John, gifts that they never received. And when I told this to Jack, visible tears came to his eyes.”

“Let me tell you what,” Wise says emphatically, “in Dallas, and I’m sure all over the country, but especially here, people were messing up (and crying openly), and sometimes, more than messing up, male and female, kids and adults, almost constantly during those three days. It was a tremendous emotional experience. Of course, for a newsman, it was unusual because you can’t let emotions get away with you, and we were working 15 hours a day. But when you stopped, and you went back home and you were alone with your wife, boy it was the most draining experience in the world.”

“I talked to Ruby for ten to twelve minutes, and I’ve often wished I had that microphone on and recorded that conversation I had with Ruby, but of course, he was such a nuisance, my impulse was, “Oh, Jack, come on, you know I’ve got work to do.”

Pulling around the corner onto Houston Street we pass the County Jail, on the left , where Wise waited for Oswald to arrive, and on the other side of the street, a statute of George Dealey, the founder of the Dallas Morning News. As you come up past a park and the Union train station, the Dallas Morning News building is across the street. Ruby was here at the time of the assassination, possibly sitting in an advertising office with a window overlooking Dealey Plaza.

“The name of Dealey is synonymous with the Dallas Morning News,” says Wise, who stops in front of the building. On the side, carved in huge letters, it reads: “Build the news upon the rock of truth and righteousness. Conduct it always upon the lines of fairness and integrity. Acknowledge the right of the people to get from newspapers both sides of every important question.”

Then Wise drives a mile over the Trinity River across the Jefferson Street Viaduct to Oak Cliff.

“Oak Cliff is unbelievable,” Wise says. “Dallas is a big city, I’m talking about spread out, area wise, and population wise it’s the 8th largest city in the country. But when you consider how big Dallas is, it’s amazing how you have all of this concentrated action going on in such a small area. There’s Oswald’s apartment, the scene of the Tippit shooting, Oswald’s old Neeley Street apartment, where the famous pictures were take in the backyard with Oswald and the rifle.”

Then there’s the Dobb’s House restaurant, where both Oswald and Tippit had breakfast at the counter at the same time on Thursday morning, and Austin’s barbeque, where Tippit moonlighted as a bouncer for one of Ruby’s partners, and the Hallandale street house where the Cubans lived, and Red Bird airport, for small, private planes, and the Texas Theater where Oswald was captured. Oak Cliff is a virtual hornet’s nest of assassination hot spots.

“And what I always thought was fascinating and still mysterious to me to this day,” Wise says, “is the proximity of Ruby’s apartment.”

“Let’s put it this way,” he says. “The direction that Oswald was going was in the general direction of Ruby’s apartment. And I have no reason to believe Oswald was in cahoots with Ruby. I just think it’s an amazing coincidence for a city of this size. Well, he wasn’t on his way to the movies.”

The cab took Oswald into Oak Cliff, five blocks past his rooming house that he walked back to. Now people surmise he did this to throw off the police or the cab driver, if anybody was tailing him or trying to trace him, and it also gave him the opportunity to approach his place from a different direction and case it out, to see if there was any activity there before he arrived.

OAK CLIFF

“Oak Cliff is still part of Dallas,” notes Wise. “The area is more run down today than it was then. It’s really depressed looking today. It would still be considered lower income then, but it has some very lovely and expensive homes too. It’s as convenient as anyplace to get downtown, and to work, but Oswald hadn’t been working at the TSBD very long, and got the room before he got the job.”

“To me, the proximity of all these places in this huge city boggles my mind today, because for all of that to be confined in such a small location is amazing. The reason I know what I know is because I was here as a reporter, I’ve followed it since then, and I’m still interested in it as a former newsman. I’m asked about it all the time. It is still a fascinating thing to me.”

OSWALD’S ROOMING HOUSE – 1026 N. BECKLEY STREET

“Now here’s the rooming – 1026 North Beckley. This is the first time I’ve ever been here when there hasn’t been a sign out front saying there’s a room for rent. The rooming house cleaning lady said a police car (with two policemen in it) stopped out front while Oswald was in there changing. It honked its horn and then took off. Well I have never figured that one out,” says Wise.

The cleaning lady saw Oswald standing at the bus stop out front apparently waiting for a bus that would have taken him back to center city. Instead,  the Warren Commission surmised that Oswald began walking away from center city.

Riding down Beckley about six blocks from Oswald’s rooming house, Wise turns down 10th Street. “Now another thing is, they say Oswald didn’t drive, so that puts a mystery thing on this. Mrs. Ruth Paine had given him some driving lessons, and I think Mrs. Paine is sort of a mystery women in this whole thing. I interviewed her and Mrs. Tippitt.”

That Mrs. Paine was teaching Oswald to drive around that time is an important point that comes in play. There is still much dispute over whether Oswald could have covered as much ground as he did, between the time of the assassination and when he was captured at the Texas Theater. All of this took place within an hour following the assassination. “And that’s why my discovery is so pertinent to all of this,” Wise surmises.

“Now I’m going over to 10th an Patton streets where Tippit was killed. This sis not the exact route that Oswald took, because he probably took a short cut.”

10th & PATTON STREETS – OAK CLIFF

“Now again, the neighborhood has always been like this, quite residential, but its probably more run down today,” says Wise. “This is the corner of Tenth and Patton. The shooting took place here, by this tree, where Tippit pulled over. He called Oswald over, then got out of the car, which I understand is bad police practice for some reason, and Oswald shot him. Somebody heard him say, ‘Poor damn cop,’ or ‘Poor dumb cop.’”

Wise also came up with another witness to the Tippit shooting years later. Jack Tatum was driving a half a block away and saw the shooting in his rear view mirror. He saw Tippit fall to the ground and the gunman shoot him again when he was on the ground. Tatum then thought, “My God, what’s going on in this city?” He took off and never told anybody, until years later.

“The proximity of al this to Ruby’s apartment is something I don’t think has gotten much attention,” Wise says, emphasizing the point. “Oswald was going in the general direction of Ruby’s apartment because there’s no way to get there in a straight line. See how close it is? It’s kind of remarkable.”

It’s about five or six blocks from the boarding house to where Tippit is shot and six more blocks to Ruby’s apartment, just across the Thornton Freeway.

 After Tippit was shot, the Warren Report claims that Oswald switched directions again.

“The Warren Commission claims that Oswald walked out of this alley, took off his jacket and left it under a car at the side of the building that is just across the street from the Hughes Funeral Home, where Tippit was laid out. There were so many police cars speeding along this street that a funeral procession had to be delayed for 20 minutes until the action died down.”

At the Hughes Funeral Home, we turn right onto Jefferson. “This is the main street of Oak Cliff,” Wise explains. “Now we’ve gone a long ways here – ten or twelve blocks. The other distance, between the rooming house and the Tippit murder scene was only five or six blocks, but now we’ve gone ten or twelve blocks. And he was walking. Now you have to put it into the context of the fact that radios were blaring out the fact that the suspect was in Oak Cliff.”

Oswald was mistakenly identified as being in the library (on the north side of Jefferson), where he was known to spend time, and a Church, which were both quickly surrounded by police.

Along a row of stores is the vestibule of what then was a shoe store where Oswald supposedly ducked in when a police car went by. The shoe store clerk thought that suspicious and watched this man go into the theater without buying a ticket. The ticket girl was standing out on the curb watching all of the police cars go by.

Also along here is the Top Ten record shop where Tippit ran in and made a quick call on the pay phone shortly before he was killed. It has never been established who he was calling.

TEXAS THEATER  

Pulling up to the curb Wise says, “Here’s the Texas Theater and the box office, which he walked passed without buying a ticket. The theater looks pretty much the same, although it was redone to accommodate Oliver Stone.”
“A World War II double feature was in progress, there were some kids in the balcony who were playing hooky from school, and fewer than a dozen patrons in the audience. At about 1:45 the ticket booth girl called the police to say that a man had entered the theater without buying a ticket, and within a few minutes no fewer than 15 police officers, two FBI agents and an assistant district attorney arrived at the theater. Some officers went to the stage with Johnny Brewer, the shoe salesman who saw a man acting suspiciously in the vestibule of his store. The houselights went up, but the film kept playing.”

“Brewer pointed out a man in the back of the theater as the officers came down the isle. Oswald was confronted, he stood up and got into a scuffle with officer McDonald, who wrestled a gun away from Oswald and punched him. ‘I’m not resisting arrest, I am not resisting arrest,’ Oswald screamed as he was dragged from the theater. Another patron was taken into a police car at the rear of the theater.”

“’I think we have our man on both counts,’ one of the arresting officers said as they pout Oswald into a patrol car.”

From the Texas Theater they took Oswald to Dallas City Hall for questioning in regards to the Tippit murder.

CAROUSEL CLUB – 1313 ½ COMMERCE STREET

On the way to City Hall you pass 1313 ½ Commerce Street, where Jack Ruby’s Carousel Club was once located, just across the street from the historic Adolphis Hotel. The area that used to be the Carousel Club is now a relatively new Bell Telephone building and a small park called Bell Plaza.

“There was a liquor store on the corner here at Commerce and Akard Streets and the Carousel Club was on the second floor,” Wise recalls. “I would take people out to dinner at the Pyramid Room at the Fairmount Hotel, one of the best places to eat, and then I’d take them to the Carousel Club. It’s just my nature to do this. I would take them from one end of the social spectrum to the other, and people would get a kick out of that.”

“You would go up these sleazy looking stairs. Most people would think you would have to knock twice and ask for Joe, but it wasn’t quite like that. You walked in and there was a type of box office where you paid an admission, a nominal fee, today it would be $4 or $5, then it was only $1 or $2. At the time, Ruby wouldn’t charge those of us in the press a cover. That was back in the days when it was perfectly acceptable for the press to get free admittance to a place like that. But I always bought my own drinks.”

Dallas is a funny city and has a lot of peculiarities,” says Wise, “and I’m very proud of it, both as a former reporter and mayor. As a reporter I was the sports anchor on TV, but I went out and did a lot of hard news too, both because I wanted to and because I could also do camera work and radio. So I cold phone in a description for the radio and take a few pictures for the TV. And at a lot of those types of hard news events I’d see Jack Ruby on the site. He was one of those guys who was always there.”

“Nobody was really close to Jack Ruby, but of those of us who did know him, it was very difficult for us to imagine him in any sophisticated conspiratorial type of thing. He wasn’t that smart, he just wasn’t that bright. People come back and say that’s the guy you would get to be a patsy or scapegoat, and that’s true. I don’t deny that, but it’s difficult for us to take that.”

“Certainly the Carousel Club wasn’t the place to go, but it was a place to go especially if you were in town for a convention. You’re in town and you say, ‘What the hell, let’s go over there to that sleazy looking place.’”

DALLAS CITY HALLDALLAS POLICE JAIL

Just down the street and around the corner from the site of the Carousel Club is the old City Hall and Dallas Police Jail.

“The old jail was on the top floor,” Wise explains. “It’s a very little, dinky place. It’s a holding tank until they can move prisoners to the county jail.”

That’s what they were doing when Ruby jumped out of the shadows and killed Oswald. They were just building the new City Hall when Wise was in office, and this is where he served as mayor from 1971 until 1976.

“I have heard some of the things that indicate Ruby may have entered through the ramp that I used to go to work everyday, or he might have gone up these steps and then down. He knew City Hall quite well, probably better than I did at the time. There is a debate as to how he got in there, but its all conjecture.”

“I think you have to have a picture of what it was like back then. First of all, there was no thing as real security back in those days. Today you have to sign in, get visitors passes and walk through metal detectors. Back then security was not like that. In addition, you had the Good Old Boys system between members of the press and the police. But we got quite a lot of good news tips that way too.”

“The most popular theory is that there was a cop out here at the top of the ramp who could have been directing traffic when Ruby slipped down the ramp. I was waiting for Oswald at the County jail, but if I had been here, I wouldn’t have been surprised at all to see Ruby. I’d have said, ‘Hi Jack,’ and he would have said, ‘Hi Wes,’ and I wouldn’t have thought anything of it. So the cop may have even recognized him and said, ‘Go ahead Jack, you’re harmless.’”

“Down the ramp there’s the doors and elevator where Oswald emerged. A car horn beeped, camera lights were on, flash bulbs lit up the scene, crowded with cops and newsmen. And Ruby jumped out of the crowd and shot Oswald in the stomach.”

EL CHICO RESTAURANT – OAK CLIFF

People may focus on President Kennedy when they think about the events of that weekend, but actually three people were killed – Kennedy, J.D. Tippit and Lee Harvey Oswald. The key to any one of those murders also unlocks the mystery of the other two.

A week to ten day after the assassination, just as things were starting to calm down, and people were getting back to their routines, TV sports anchor Wes Wise was supposed to give a talk on sports at the El Chico restaurant in Oak Cliff. The lunch and talk had been arranged weeks before, shortly after Kennedy’s visit was first announced.

“This was the El Chico restaurant,” says Wise. “It’s still a Mexican restaurant, but has a different name today. I was to give a speech on sports, but the whole town was still taking about the assassination, and they didn’t want me to talk about sports. It had been well known that I had interviewed Mrs. Paine and Mrs. Tippit and that I had the story where I traced all of Oswald’s steps, and it was pretty well known that I had talked to Ruby at the depository on the day after the assassination, so the audience, instead of talking sports, wanted my insights into the assassination.”

According to Wise, when the question and answer session began, a guy puts up his hand and says, “We have a mechanic over here at my garage, who says that he saw Lee Harvey Oswald sitting in a parked car right here in this parking lot, during that period of time right after the assassination, when radio stations were all saying that the suspect’s in Oak Cliff.”

Although Wise said he wanted to talk to him, the man noted the mechanic was a bit reluctant to talk.

As Wise puts it, “This is where my being a sports announcer was very beneficial to me in the coverage of this story, because people recognize me. So I went over there to this garage next door and met Mr. W. T. White, a nice little old man in coveralls, a regular mechanic type looking guy.”

“White said that he and his wife were watching TV on the night of the assassination when they brought Lee Harvey Oswald out at the police station. White said to his wife, ‘That’s the man I saw in the car over in the parking lot this afternoon.’”

“The car, he said, as parked against the far wall of the parking lot, behind a billboard. The car, facing Davis Street, was a ’57 Plymouth.”

“Now (he later) got the color wrong, but he got the model and the license plate number, which is an important part of the story.”

“You definitely identified him as Oswald?” Wise asked. “There’s no doubt at all. I said that to my wife, that’s the man I saw in the parking lot of the El Chico restaurant,” White responded.

White then showed Wise exactly where the car was parked and where he was standing when he walked over towards the car to watch the police cars going by at a pretty high rate of speed. He thought the guy looked suspicious, as if he were hiding or something. White said he walked closer and got a good look at him, but when the guy made some sort of motion in the car, he turned around and walked back towards the garage. He then took down the license plate number, and you can see the license plate number on my car clearly.”  

Incredulous, Wise asked White, “You took down the license number of the car? And he said, “Yea, I have it right here.”

“He reached into his shirt pocket and took out a piece of paper with the license number on it and I thought, ‘God, what have I fallen into?’”

White was still reluctant, and said, “Look, I don’t want to get into any trouble. We don’t know what this thing is all about.”

Wise said he had to use his best salesmanship. “Mr White, we’re talking about the President of the United States being assassinated here, and even for just patriotic reasons, I think you ought to let me know that number. And I’ll get together with our contacts in the FBI, and if anything comes out of this, you won’t be involved. But I can’t promise you that if something does come of it, you won’t be questioned, because I’m sure they will.”

So White handed Wise the piece of paper with the license number on it, and Wise copied the number and gave it to the FBI.

Considering the possibility it could develop into a big story, Wise told the FBI, “I said to them, ‘Look, we realize that if this turns out to be a big story, it’s everybody’s story. But we want first crack at it because we are giving you the information.’”

And the FBI agreed to that and said they would check into it. They found that a ’57 Plymouth with Texas plate number #PP 4537 was owned by one Carl Amos Mather, of 4309 Colgate Street, Garland, Texas.

According to Wise, “The FBI went out and checked it out, and what was really amazing to me was the car is right there in the driveway – a ’57 Plymouth. The mechanic may have gotten he color wrong, but he got the year, make and model right. Mr. White was an old man and might have been color blind or something.”

“They knock on the door and Mrs. Mather comes out. They ask Mrs. Mather where her husband was at the time of the assassination. She said he was working at Collins Radio, in nearby Richardson, Texas. The car, on the afternoon of Friday, November 22, at the time of the assassination, she believed, was in the Collins Radio parking lot. But later that afternoon, by 2 pm, it was at the Tippit residence. They were very close friends of J.D. Tippit, and his wife had called and said that her husband had been shot and killed, and would they please come over.”

“Now, to me, that coincidence is just mind boggling.”

“When the FBI came back to us, they played down all of this. They played it Down, Down. We asked them if they looked into it closely, but let’s put it this way – we would have thought that they would have looked into it more closely, and much more deeply than they did. The Warren Commission didn’t even interview me on this, although the House Select Committee on Assassinations did interview me, and quite extensively. They were extremely interested in it.”

When Mather sat down to dinner with Wes Wise and two CBS News editors, he was too nervous to eat. They asked him questions and tried to figure out what they too considered to be an amazing coincidence – the accused assassin of the President and a policeman, being seen in a car that belonged to a good friend of the policeman within an hour of the murder.  

Mather was interviewed by the Wise, the FBI, HSCA investigators, CBS News and researcher Larry Harris, but no one could get anything substantial out of him.

The HSCA investigator, Jack Moriarty, was an experienced big city homicide detective, but was faithful to the security oath he signed while working for the HSCA. He did say however, that he was just following the leads wherever they went, then submitted reports to Washington. The HSCA investigation he said, was tightly compartmentalized, so he didn’t know what the other investigators were doing in New Orleans or Miami. Only the committee’s chief counsel, “G. Robert Blakey knew the whole picture,” he said.

The HSCA issued a subpoena for Mather to testify under oath, giving him immunity from prosecution, but they never acted on it.   

The late Larry Harris knew more about the Tippit murder than anyone, even getting a job as a mailman just to get the neighborhood better. When Harris talked to him Mather said, “Look, I’ve talked with the FBI, to the police and the House Select Committee investigators, and I’ve told them everything. I just can’t explain it.”

According to Wise, “we tried to draw Mather out¸ but couldn’t do it. All Mather would say was, ‘put yourself in my shoes. I just can’t explain it.’”

But no one bothered to check out Mather’s alibi and go out and look more closely at Collins Radio Company of Richardson, Texas, a hornet’s nest of suspicious activity.

3) THE COLLINS RADIO CONNECTIONS
(to the Assassination of President Kennedy)

By William E. Kelly – Revised from report originally published in Backchannels magazine and presented at the national conference of the Coalition On Political Assassination (COPA), October 10, 1994.

If the assassination of President Kennedy was the result of not only a conspiracy, but a covert action and coup d’etat, as many people believe, there should be evidence of this from both the scene of the crime(s) as well as from the highest echelons of power among those who took over the government. This would be especially so if the assassination was not the actions of a lone-nut or a foreign attack by Cuban or Soviet intelligence service sponsors, but an internal manipulation of policy and control, an inside job.

As Edward Luttwack describes in his "How-To" book Coup d’etat – A Practical Handbook (Alfred A. Knopf, 1968, p. 117), "Control over the flow of information emanating from the political center will be our most important weapon in establishing… authority after the coup. The seizure of the main means of mass communication will thus be a task of crucial importance."

At the scene(s) of the crime, eyewitness testimony is always suspect. Homicide detectives prefer more solid leads that provide documented evidence that can be introduced in court, such as fingerprints, telephone and automobile license records.

There are a number of automobile license records of significance in regards to the assassination of President Kennedy, including the tampered photo among the possessions of Lee Harvey Oswald of the license on 1957 Chevy in General Walker’s driveway, plus the license numbers of cars seen in Dealey Plaza photos immediately before and after the assassination.

Most significant however, is the Texas plate PP4537. This number was jotted down on a piece of paper by an elderly Oak Cliff mechanic T. F. White, who noticed a man acting suspiciously behind the wheel of a 1958 two tone Plymouth sedan shortly after the murder of Dallas Policeman J.D. Tippitt in the Oak Cliff neighborhood of Dallas. The car was parked behind a billboard in the parking lot of a Mexican restaurant, with the driver, like White, watching the flurry of Dallas police cars racing down the street with sirens blaring, called to the nearby scene of the shooting of Tippit.

White walked across the street to get closer and exchanged glances with the man, who quickly drove away. White wrote down the license tag PP4537 on a piece of paper and forgot about it until later that day when he saw Lee Harvey Oswald on television and recognized him as the man he saw acting suspiciously in the Plymouth earlier that afternoon.

A few weeks later, when Dallas radio reporter and later mayor of Dallas Wes Wise gave a talk at the Oak Cliff restaurant, the owner of the garage where Mr. White worked mentioned the suspicious Plymouth to Wise, who then met White. White reluctantly told his story, but was reluctant to get involved, and Wise had to use all his powers of persuasion to convince White to share the information with him. Wise promised White he would not be brought into the investigation, but that he, Wise, would handle it. "Do you have the piece of paper with the license number on it?" Wise asked, and sure enough, White had it right there in his pocket and gave it to Wise. It read: PP4537.

White told Wise that nobody knew who or what was really behind the assassination of President Kennedy and he really didn’t want to get involved, but he handed over the paper to Wise, who passed it on to the police and FBI.

A quick check of the Texas plate #PP4537 indicated that it was assigned to Carl Mather, of Garland, Texas. When the FBI went out to the listed Garland address they found the two tone 1958 Plymouth right there in the driveway and knocked on the door. Mrs. Mather answered, acknowledged the car belonged to her husband, who was then away at work at Collins Radio, in nearby Richardson, Texas. When asked where her husband and the car was on Friday, November 22, 1963, she said that the car was in the parking lot at Collins Radio until sometime in the afternoon when her husband returned home and picked up the family to go to the Tippit residence to pay their respects to the widow and family of their good friend, who was murdered that day.

Instead of going out to Collins Radio to interview Mather however, the FBI went first to Mr. White, who Wes Wise had promised wouldn’t be involved, and took additional statements from him, changing his story for the official reports and exchanging the two tone Plymouth to a red Ford Falcon. CBS News made a polite inquiry years later, leaving Carl Mather out of the documentary program they aired but listed Mrs. Mather in the programs credits. The House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) briefly looked into the affair, granted Mather immunity from prosecution to testify and then failed to question him under oath. The HSCA published a short report they titled "The Wise Allegation," when in fact Wes Wise made no allegations, and merely followed up on his reporter’s instincts. He came up with an automobile license plate number that was scene near the murder of a Dallas policeman that was traced to one of the victim’s best friends, Carl Mather, whose alibi is that he was at work at the time, at Collins Radio.

Documents later released under the JFK Act indicate that Mather was questioned by HSCA investigators and claimed that he worked on electronics at Collins, his specific job being the installation of the radio equipment aboard Air Force Two – the Vice President’s plane.

That this lead was not properly investigated, and remains uninvestigated today, is because such an inquiry actually does lead to the heart of the plot to murder not only Dallas policeman J.D. Tippit, but as many believe, is tied directly to the assassination of President Kennedy. If the Tippit murder is connected to the assassination of the President, as the official stories alleges, then the Tippit murder may be the "Rosetta Stone" that could explain the mysteries of both murders.

The significance of the Collins Radio connections becomes apparent with a quick review of the published record, and that:

1. On November 1, 1963 the New York Times published a photograph of the ship the Rex, which Fidel Castro identified as the boat that dropped off a team of assassins in Cuba a few nights previous. The Rex was docked at Palm Beach, Florida, near the JFK family compound, and the Rex’s Halloween eve mission was in clear violation of President Kennedy’s March 1963 edict that no para-military raids against Cuba were to originate from U.S. shores. According to the article in the NYTs, the Rex had been sold by the Somoza regime in Nicaragua to the Belcher Oil Company, its dock fees paid by the CIA front company Sea Ship Inc., with the Rex then being leased to the Collins Radio Company of Richardson, Texas, "for scientific research."
2. Founded by Arthur Collins, of Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Collins Radio first made news headlines when young Collins was an amateur radio buff with the only (home made) radio receiver who could pick up the radio transmissions of Navy Commander Richard E. Byrd from his polar exploration expedition. [Richard Byrd is the cousin of the founder of the Civil Air Patrol and owner of the Texas School Book Depository building].
3. Collins Radio became a major defense contractor during World War II, and following the war, participated in Operation Paperclip, hiring Dr. Alex Lipisch, the former Nazi scientist who developed the Delta I glider and ME 163 Komet jet fighter. For Collins, Lipisch was assigned to the boat development program that worked with General Dynamics in attempting to build and refine a sleek, swift speedboat – the V20 - that could be used for Cuban infiltration missions like the Rex mission. It was later used in Vietnam.
4. David Ferrie’s telephone records reflect that in the weeks before the assassination he made frequent calls from the New Orleans law office of G. Ray Gill to the Belcher Oil Company of Dallas, Texas, the company that was the listed owner of the Rex.
5. In the week before the assassination, a reservation was made at Jack Ruby’s Carousel Club for a large party of Collins Radio employees.
6. The Dallas P.D. Intelligence Division maintained a paid informant who worked at Collins Radio and reported on fellow employees who appeared suspicious or subversive, including one who was reported to subscribe to the leftist I.F. Stone Weekly.
7. When Lee Harvey Oswald returned to Texas from Soviet Russia, George DeMohrenschildt introduced him to retired Navy Admiral Chester Bruton, an executive at Collins Radio, with the idea of Oswald getting a job there, as he had worked in a radio factory in Minsk, USSR. Oswald and Marina visited Bruton with DeMohrenschilt.
8. At the time of the assassination Adml. Bruton was working on a top-secret nuclear submarine communications project for Collins, with the Navy’s nuclear sub radar and communications HQ being based at Woods Hole, Massachusetts, close neighbors of Michael Paine’s family island.
9. In 1963 Collins Radio began receiving large military contracts including one for the construction of a microwave communications network in Southeast Asia, specifically Vietnam.
10. After Oswald was murdered while in Dallas police custody by Jack Ruby, his widow Marina P. Oswald married former Collins Radio employee Kenneth Porter.
11. In Miami, Florida, a Cuban exile, and former executive of Collins Radio, was murdered, assassinated in a still unsolved homicide.
12. Collins Radio supplied and maintained the equipment used by the Voice of America, all manned NASA space flights, the Strategic Air Command (SAC), as well as all equipment used for the CIA’s Guatemalan and Cuban operations. Most significantly, Collins Radio was responsible for installing and maintaining all radio equipment aboard Air Force One, Air Force Two and the Cabinet’s plane.
13. According to the Collins Radio Annual Report to stockholders for 1963-64, Collins Radio not only installed and maintained the radios aboard most military and executive branch planes, they also operated the station known as "Liberty" at their Cedar Rapids, Iowa headquarters, which served as a relay station for all radio communications between the White House, the Pentagon, Air Force One, Air Force Two, the Cabinet plane and Andrews AFB in Washington.
14. Additional items learned since this was written. (Collins X,Y,Z)

[This "Liberty" station is misidentified on most transcripts of the edited version of the radio transmissions from Air Force One on 11/22/63. "Air Force One, the Presidential airplane, was placed in service in 1962 using communications equipment developed and manufactured by Collins. The aircraft…was modified to meet special requirements…In 1962, the station many remember as "Liberty" was opened and operated from the new communications building….(in Cedar Rapids, Iowa)…Collins had a contract with the Air Force to serve as either the primary communications station or as a backup whenever Air Force One, the presidential aircraft, and other aircraft in the VIP fleet carried cabinet members or high ranking military officers. Over the airwaves the station’s call word was ‘Liberty.’" – From Collins Radio – the First 50 Years.]

In his book The Making of a President – 1964, Theodore H. White wrote: "There is a tape recording in the archives o the government which best recaptures the sound of the hours as it waited for leadership. It is a recording of all the conversations in the air, monitored by the Signal Corps Midwestern center ‘Liberty,’ between Air Force One in Dallas, the Cabinet plane over the Pacific, and the Joint Chiefs’ Communications Center in Washington….On the flight the party learned that there was no conspiracy, learned the identity of Oswald and his arrest; and the President’s mind turned to the duties of consoling the stricken and guiding the quick."

According to the analysis of E. Martin Schotz and Vincent Salandria (in History Will Not Absolve Us, 1996), "And yet the White House had informed President Johnson and the other occupants of Air Force One, all of them witnesses to the hail of bullets which had poured down on Dealey Plaza, that as of the afternoon of the assassination there was to be no conspiracy and that Oswald was to be the lone assassin. If White’s report were correct this would mean that federal officials in Washington were marrying the government to the cover-up of Oswald as the lone assassin virtually instantaneously. This could have occurred only if those federal authorities had had foreknowledge that the evidence would implicate Oswald and that he would have ‘no confederates.’ An innocent government could not have reacted in such a fashion internally."

Unfortunately, there is no longer "a tape recording in the archives of the government," as the original, unedited, multiple tape recordings of the AF1 radio transmissions cannot be located despite an Act of Congress, the request of the Assassinations Records Review Board (ARRB) and numerous Freedom of Information Act requests. Our government seems to have simply lost the recordings, with no records being kept of their whereabouts or destruction, if in fact they were destroyed.

The Final Report of the ARRB (p. 116) notes:
"6. White House Communications Agency."WHCA was, and is, responsible for maintaining both secure (encrypted) and unsecured (open) telephone, radio and telex communications between the President and the government of the United States. Most of the personnel that constitute this elite agency are U.S. military communications specialists; many, in 1963, were from the Army Signal Corps. On November 22, 1963, WHCA was responsible for communications between and among Air Force One and Two, the White House Situation Room, the mobile White House, and with the Secret Service in the motorcade."

"The Review Board sought to locate any audio recordings of voice communications to or from Air Force One on the day of the assassination, including communications between Air Force one and Andrews Air Force Base during the return flight from Dallas to Washington D.C. As many people are now aware of, in the 1970s, the LBJ Presidential Library released edited audio cassettes of the unsecured, or open voice conversations with Air Force One, Andrews AFB, the White House Situation Room, and the Cabinet Aircraft carrying the Secretary of State and other officials on November 22, 1`963. The LBJ Library version of these tapes consists of about 110 minutes of voice transmissions, but the tapes are edited and condensed, so the Review Board staff sought access to unedited, uncondensed versions. Since the edited versions of the tapes contain considerable talk about both the forthcoming autopsy on the President, as well as the reaction of a government in crisis, the tapes are of considerable interest to assassination researchers and historians."

"Given that the LBJ Library released the tapes in the 1970s, the paper trail is now sketch and quite cold. The LBJ Library staff is fairly confident that the tapes originated with the White House Communications Agency (WHCA). The LBJ Library staff told the Review Board staff that it received the tapes from the White House as part of the original shipment of President Johnson’s papers in 1968 or 1969. According to the LBJ Library’s documentation, the accession card reads: "WHCA?" and is dated 1975. The Review Board staff could not locate any records indicating who performed the editing, or when, or where."

"The Review Board’s repeated written and oral inquiries of the White House Communications Agency did not bear fruit. The WHCA could not produce any records that illuminated the provenance of the edited tapes."

At the time I delivered my report on "The Collins Radio Connections" to the National COPA Conference in Washington in October, 1994, the Washington Post had just then exposed the true occupant of a new, mammoth, suburban Virginia building. It was not the headquarters for Collins Radio/Rockwell International as had been previously reported, but they had just been the cooperating cover company for the super secret National Reconnaissance Office (NRO), just as Collins Radio had served as a cover for the CIA in the operation of the Rex in Cuba in1963.

Also, in the October, 1998 issue of John F. Kennedy, Jr.’s George Magazine, - David Wise reported on how the NRO had "lost" $6 billion in U.S. taxpayer’s money, and specifically mentioned the fiasco surrounding the construction of the HQ building, or which Collins/Rockwell served as a cover company.

[William E. Kelly is a freelance journalist whose research into the assassination of President Kennedy is partially sponsored by the Fund For Constitutional Government Investigative Journalism Project.

THE BRADEN FILE  – Syndicate Courier and con man caught in dragnet at the scene.

Jim Braden

VOLUNTARY STATEMENT. Not Under Arrest Form No. 86
SHERIFF'S DEPARTMENT
COUNTY OF DALLAS, TEXAS

Before me, the undersigned authority, on this the 22 day of November A.D. 1963 personally appeared Jim Braden, Address 621 S. Barrington Drive Apt 6 Los Angeles Calf. Office 215 S. La Cienega Blvd. Beverly Hills, California, Age 49, Phone No. 4725301 Home Deposes and says:

I am here on business (oil business) and was walking down Elm Street trying to get a cab and there wasn't any. I heard people talking saying "My God the President has been shot." Police cars were passing me coming down toward the triple underpass and I walked up among many other people all watching them. I moved on up to the building across the street from the building that was surrounded and I ask [sic] one of the girls if there was a telephone that I could use and she said "Yes, there is one on the third floor of the building where I work". I walked through a passage to the elevator they were all getting on (freight elevator) and I got off on the third floor with all the other people and there was a lady using the pay telephone and I ask [sic] her if I could use it when she hung up and she said it was out of order and I tried to use it but with no success. I ask [sic] her how I can get out of this building and she said that there is an exit right there and then she said wait a minute here is the elevator now. I got on the elevator and returned to the ground floor and the colored man who ran the elevator said you are a stranger in this building and I am was [sic] not suppose [sic] to let you up and he ran outside to an officer and said to the officer that he [sic] had just taken me up and down in the elevator and the officer said for me to identify myself and I presented him with a credit card and he said well we have to check out everything and took me to his superior and said for me to wait and we will check it out. I was then taken to the Sheriffs office and interrogated.

/s/ Jim Braden

Subscribed and sworn to before me on this the 22nd day of Nov A. D. 1963

/s/ Evelyn Cox
Notary Public, Dallas County, Texas

"Legacy of Doubt" by Peter Noyes was published in 1973 (Pinnacle Books, Oct. 1973) in a pulp paperback with a cover that screamed “A JOURNALISTIC BOMBSHELL! –Startling new evidence about the JFK and RFK deaths!”

Noyes, a veteran CBS TV producer and journalist wrote, “The assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy in Dallas, Texas, left a legacy of doubt in the minds of every American who lived through those horrifying moments in Dealey Plaza. For a time, the very structure of the Republic seemed threatened…”

Noyes book reads like an old fashioned Sam Spade detective novel, complete with gangsters, dames and cops on the take, as he describes meeting former FBI agent Bill Turner, who unsuccessfully tries to get Noyes and CBS to air his bootleg copy of the Zapruder film. On his way out the door, Turner throws Noyes a bone – check out this guy – Jim Braden, who reportedly lived in Beverly Hills and was taken into custody at Dealey Plaza.

Noyes went to the official records and discovered that on September 10, 1963, Eugene Hale Brading notified the motor vehicle department that he changed his name to Jim Braden and requested new identification under that name.

When Noyes asked then LAPD Chief of Detectives Bob Houghton about Eugene Hale Brading, and he asked the FBI (File #799431), they learned that EH Brading was a member of the La Costa Country Club and was in the vicinity of the Ambassador Hotel when RFK was murdered, besides being at Dealey Plaza.

As Noyes reports in his book, “Houghton,… eventually satisfied himself after several thousand man-hours of investigation that Eugene Hale Brading was not connected with the assassination of Senator Robert Kennedy. Shortly after Houghton began working on the RFK case, he signed a contract with Random House to write a book about the assassination called ‘Special Unit Senator.’ That was the name Houghton had given the investigating task force looking into Robert Kennedy’s murder. In the police department, the task force was better known as the SUS detail…”

“The SUS task force compiled a comprehensive report on Gene Brading,” wrote Noyes, “then turned it over to the FBI. The investigators who made the report stressed to me that they regarded it as a matter of great importance and fully anticipated it would be turned over to U.S. Attorney Matt Byrne. Their paramount interest, or so they told me, was in the possible role organized crime might have played in the JFK assassination. By coincidence, at that time Matt Byrne’s office was conducting an extensive investigation of the Mafia. And I was quite interested in Byrne’s decision to subpoena one of the most powerful figures in the Cosa Nostra, the tough and vicious Carlos Marcello, of New Orleans, who had made no secret of his contempt and hatred for both John and Robert Kennedy.”

“But Byrne always insisted to me that he was never given the SUS report on Brading by the FBI…..” note Noyes. “Despite the official roadblocks set up by the FBI there was a great body of information available.”

From various sources, Noyes pieced together some basic background: “Eugene Hale Brading was one of three sons born to Charles and Millie Brading, a relatively poor but hard-working couple from the plains of Kansas. It was a closely knit family, and many years later, when Brading acquired a degree of affluence, he purchased a retirement home for his parents in the coastal cit of Santa Barbara, California.”

“Brading was only nineteen when hew as first sentenced to prison in Kansas for burglary in 1934…paroled…in 1938, (he) proceeded to moved to a much faster paced environment in Miami, Florida, where he quickly became associated with the hoodlum element. On February 24, 1941 he was arrested in Miami for running a gambling house. He was fined $200 after being convicted of bookmaking, and was given a suspended six-month jail sentence. On three different occasions he was arrested in Florida for selling World War II gasoline-ration coupons on the black market. The third time he was sentenced to one year in jail.”

“Intelligence information indicted that Brading was slowly weaving his way into the mob’s hierarchy and that he was a man who was going places. In 1948 while using the alias of Harry Eugene Bradley, he was arrested in Camden, New Jersey, as a material witness in a criminal case. (Camden police have since refused to divulge any details concerning that arrest, but it must be noted that there was considerable organized crime in the Camden area at the time, and Brading’s sudden appearance there came as no surprise to investigators who have studied his background.)…” [Legacy of Doubt, p. 40]

On reading that last passage, I gave Noyes’ book to my father, then a Lieutenant in the Camden, N.J. Police Department. While today Camden is recognized as America’s “most dangerous” city, it was not so then – in 1948, though organized crime and the Syndicate were getting organized. The Philadelphia “family,” later to be led by Angelo Bruno, was in 1948 headed by Marco Riginelli, who lived in the Walt Whitman Hotel in Camden. Then a close-knit operation, gambling, booze, prostitution and drugs were the main interests in a geographic area that encompassed Philadelphia and Southern New Jersey, from Trenton to Atlantic City.

The next day my father handed me the 1948 Camden PD arrest file on “Harry Eugene Bradley” also known as Eugene Hale Brading, including a front and side mug shot, details of the arrest and a three page rap sheet of previous arrests, and an attachment from the FBI requesting they be notified of any information about this individual.

Like he would be at Dealey Plaza as Jim Braden, Brading was taken into custody as a material witness, though in the Camden incident, he wouldn’t be asked to just make a statement and be released on his own recognizance, but would be mug shot, fingerprinted and held as a witness in a gambling operation of Dominic Mattia. I recognized the name of the arresting officer – Mr. Bobiac, who also ran a TV repair shop, but he had since past away.

Curious, I looked up Dominic Mattia in the phone book and found he lived in a new development in nearby Cherry Hill. Unabashed, I drover over and knocked on his door. When Mattia answered, and I asked him if he recalled the 1948 arrest in Camden, he did. Mattia explained that there was a card game going, a high stakes card game that was raided, and Mattia and Brading were just two of the guys in the room at the time. “It was a coincidence we were together,” Mattia said.

I was in my early 20s at the time and it was one of my first forays into the investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy.

Making copies of Jim Braden’s Camden arrest file, I sent one to Peter Noyes, another to the Assassination Archives and Research Center in DC and others to a few independent researchers who I knew were interested. Later, in 1977, I hand delivered a copy to the Philadelphia law office of Richard Sprague, when he was appointed the first chief counsel to the HSCA, and I learned that he had his staff read Noyes’ book.

I knew Jim Braden’s testimony before the HSCA would be important, mainly because of his movements, residency at the Cabana Hotel and sharing an office in New Orleans on the same floor in the same building (Pere Marquette) as G. Ray Gill. Since Jim Garrison obtained the phone records of Gill’s office, and knew about some phone calls that established a pattern of evidence, I mistakenly believed that it would be properly investigated.

After Richard Sprague was forced out of the HSCA and G. Robert Blakely was appointed chief counsel, I thought Blakely’s academic background in the study of organized crime at Cornell, and his development of the RICO Act as a prosecution tool, that the Braden angle would be investigated.

When Braden was finally called to testify before the HSCA, he did so in executive session, for two days, even though, as a reading of his testimony shows, he wanted his story to be told so he could be publicly exonerated. Instead, when the HSCA concluded its business, it published a series of reports and exhibits, like the Warren Commission, but then sealed the rest of its records for 50 years as Congressional Records.

According to House Rule 36, all Congressional Records are sealed for 50 years, and Congress, unlike the CIA and every other branch of government, exempted itself from the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).

After the HSCA folded up its tent and sealed its records, I got a phone call from Michael Ewing, who worked with Blakely at the HSCA and was co-authoring a book with Blakely on how JFK was killed by the mob. I respected Ewing from his previous book, “Coincidence Or Conspiracy,” profiles of the major players in the JFK assassination, including one on Jim Braden, a book that he co-authored with Bernie Festerwald, Esq., founder of the Assassination Archives and Research Center.

Ewing had been talking with Peter Noyes and learned that I had obtained Jim Braden’s 1948 arrest report from the Camden, NJ PD, and wanted a copy.

I explained I had given a copy to Sprague and the HSCA, but Ewing said that Sprague didn’t turn over all his files to Blakely when he left, and I said I was glad he didn’t because they would now be locked away for 50 years. I did send him a copy, but made him aware of my anger at the records being sealed.

Although Blakley said that he was content to “Rest on the judgment of historians in 50 years,” others were not, and the JFK Act was passed in 1992 that ordered the release to the public of all government records related to the assassination of President Kennedy. The HSCA records of their investigation of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., which included evidence of conspiracy, continues to be withheld from the public.

In his testimony before the HSCA, Braden made it quite clear that he wanted his story to be told in public, but his DC attorney at the time does not know what became of him.

When I was in California, I checked in at La Costa Country Club, which was open to the public, and the golf pro recalled Braden but didn’t know where he went after being booted from the club. The address in Atlanta where he was living when he testified before the HSCA was no longer valid. The “Jim Braden” whose name and phone number are listed in the LA phone book, is a black guy who is not the Jim Braden from Dealey Plaza.

If Jim Braden is still alive, he would be in his upper 80s, probably living near a golf course, possibly near Atlanta, or close to Santa Barbara, California, where his mother was last known to be living.

It would be greatly appreciated if anyone could put me in contact with Jim Braden, aka Edgar Eugene Brading, aka Harry Eugene Bradley, as I am anxious to get his story out.

THE BRADEN FILE

When Jim Braden checked into the Cabana Hotel in Dallas, Texas on November 21, 1963, there was no indication that anything spectacular was going to happen. Braden and his associates were in the oil business and had an appointment the next day with oil Texas oil baron H. L. Hunt, but Braden would miss the meeting. Destiny would intervene.

On Thursday, November 21, 1963, the same night Braden and friends checked in, Lawrence Meyers and Jean Aase (aka Jean West) were sitting at a table in the Bon Vivant Room of the same hotel, along with Meyers brother Ed and his wife. Ed Meyers was a Pepsi Cola soft drink bottler from New York and was in Dallas for a convention. They exchanged small talk, ostensibly ignorant of the cataclysmic events that would overtake them the next day.

Shortly before midnight Jack Ruby joined them for a short time. Ruby had earlier had a steak dinner with Meyers at the Egyptian Lounge, and Ruby knew Jean Aase, having met her earlier in the day at his Carousel Club.

Both Ruby and Larry Meyers were from Chicago, and they later said that was the basis of their friendship. Ruby had brought a “twist” exercise board with him and demonstrated it to Larry Meyers, who sold sporting goods equipment to department stores. Ruby was trying to convince Larry Meyers to market the devise for a friend of his.

Since Jim Braden used a credit card to pay for his drinks, it was later determined that Braden and his associates had a few drinks at the same Bon Vivant bar room, though he later claimed not to know Ruby or either of the Meyers brothers.

Jim Braden was there on oil business, Larry Meyers was mixing business and pleasure, Ed Meyers was there for the convention, and Ruby was just being his flamboyant self.

The next day, while Larry Meyers played golf, Ed Meyers went to his convention, Jean Aase went shopping with one of Ruby’s dancers, Betty McDonald, but Braden would miss the meeting his associates had with H.L. Hunt. Instead, Braden was taken into custody as a suspect in the murder of President John F. Kennedy.

Larry Meyers had a few conversations with his friend from the old neighborhood, Jack Ruby, who then proceeded to stalk, shoot and kill Lee Harvey Oswald, the accused assassin, while the suspect was in the custody of the Dallas police.

Ed Meyers and his wife, who had been to Mexico City, where they had visited Larry’s son Ralph Meyers, returned to New York, while Larry Meyers flew back to Chicago with Jean Aase, who would never be seen, questioned or even located by government investigators who looked for her. Larry Meyers and Jack Ruby gave innocent explanations for their meeting at the Cabana the night before the assassination, and Jim Braden would be released by the police after making a simple statement.

Braden was never questioned by the Warren Commission or other investigations until the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) took his testimony over two days, and then locked it away for 50 years.

Jim Braden’s actions before and after the assassination are indeed suspicious, and even Braden, as he expressed in his HSCA testimony, was himself anxious to clear the record and his name.

In 1970, California television producer Peter Noyes came across Braden’s statement among the 26 volumes of Warren Commission Exhibits.

Seven years later Peter Noyes, the television producer, tried to locate Braden as a potential witness, and tried to obtain his then current address by contacting the California Division of Motor Vehicles, who told Noyes that six weeks before the assassination, in September, 1963, Eugene Hale Brading legally changed his name to Jim Braden and had requested a new drivers license bearing that name.

The Los Angeles Police Department then told Noyes that Eugene Hale Brading, now also known as Jim Braden, had numerous arrests and was associated with organized crime activities. Born in Kansas and sent to a reformatory from school, he had been arrested on dozens of charges throughout his career, and was suspected of being a money courier for the Meyer Lansky syndicate.

Once, in Dallas, Braden was charged with embezzlement for bilking rich widows by marrying them and taking their money. The newspapers had branded him and his partner “the Honeymooners,” and Braden was literally run out of Dallas by Sheriff Bill Decker, who charged Braden for being a vagrant for living with the widow of the founder of Magnolia Oil Company. It would be Decker’s deputy “Lummie” Lewis who had taken Braden into custody at Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963.

Contacting Braden’s parole officer, Noyes found that Braden had stayed at the Cabana Hotel in Dallas, where Jack Ruby was known to have visited the night before the assassination. Noyes also discovered that Braden and his two associates had an appointment at the offices of H.L. Hunt at the same time Jack Ruby was there, dropping off a young women who applied for a job with Hunt’s company.

While Braden was not at the meeting, his associates did sign the register at Hunt’s building and kept the appointment.

Not just such circumstantial evidence, which could be coincidence or happenstance, Noyes also found that Braden’s movements were suspicious because they matched some third-party records, specifically some telephone records.

After Braden made his statement in Dallas and the police released him, Braden returned to the Cabana, where he learned that his associates had already checked out and flew to Houston on their private plane. Braden flew to Houston on a commercial flight, met his associates in Houston, checked out a West Texas oil opportunity and then Braden went to New Orleans. In New Orleans Braden worked with oil geologist Vernon Main, Jr., who maintained an office where Braden often visited and received mail on the 17th floor of the Pierre Marquette office building.

Both the Pinkerton Detective Agency and attorney G. Wray Gill also had offices on the 17th floor of the Pierre Marquette building. In 1963 Gill represented New Orleans mob boss Carlos Marcello in his deportation case, which was resolved on November 22, 1963. David Ferrie, who was the accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald’s Civil Air Patrol officer years earler, worked as a private investigator for Gill on the Marcello case and worked out of Gill’s office.

In 1968 New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison obtained the telephone records of Gill’s office in connection with his investigation of David Ferrie, and Ferrie’s suspected involvement in a conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy. Gill furnished Garrison with his office phone records, complaining that Ferrie made many of the calls, some unauthorized.

A former Eastern airlines pilot and soldier of fortune, David Ferrie reportedly flew Marcello back into the United States after Marcello had been deported to Guatemala by attorney general Robert Kennedy. Ferrie also trained anti-Castro Cuban pilots for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in Guatemala and had been Oswald’s Captain in the Civil Air Patrol before Oswald enlisted in the Marines. Ferrie and Oswald were also seen together with World Trade Mart executive Clay Shaw in Clinton, Louisiana, where Oswald tried to register to vote and applied for a job at a mental hospital.

The Warran Commission investigators examined Jack Ruby’s phone records and some of his associates, including Larry Meyers, among whose phone records Jim Garrison discovered a phone number in Chicago also called by someone from Gill’s office in New Orleans.

It was assumed by Garrison and others that Ferrie made the call from Gill’s office on the 17th floor of the Pierre Marquette in New Orleans to the Chicago number used by Jean Aase (aka West), the women who accompanied Larry Meyers to Dallas from Chicago on the weekend of the assassination.

The phone number Chicago Whitehall 4 – 4970, was listed as Jean Aase’s address, 20 East Delaware Avenue, a hotel-apartment building owned by a Russian family and managed by Les Barker, a friend and business partner of Larry Meyers.

The call to that number from Gill’s office in New Orleans was made on September 24, 1963, the day Lee Harvey Oswald left his Magazine Street apartment for Mexico City.

A few weeks after that call, in October 1963, Les Barker introduced Larry Meyers to Jean Aase, who lived in one of the hotel room apartments. Originally from Minnesotta, Aase was referred to by Meyers as “Miss West,” and characterized as “a party girl, playgirl, a dumb but accommodating broad and semi-professional hooker.”

Three days before the assassination Meyers and Aase flew to Dallas and stayed at the Ramada Inn near the airport. The next day they moved to the Cabana Motor Hotel, where Meyers had previously stayed on other occasions, including the gala grand opening.

Jim Braden and his associates from California were also registered at the Cabana at the time.

The Warren Report reads: “On Thursday, November 21, 1963 Ruby conversed for about an hour with Lawrence Meyers, a Chicago businessman. Between 9:45 and 10:45 p.m., Ruby had dinner with his financial backer Ralph Paul,….(then) about midnight Ruby rejoined Meyers at the Bon Vivant Room of the Dallas Cabana where they met Meyers’ brother and sister-in-law.”

By the end of the weekend the President was dead, Braden had been taken into custody and Ruby had killed the accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald. Braden then left Dallas and went to the same floor of the same office building where Oswald’s former CAP Captain David Ferrie worked and a phone call was made to Jean Aase’s Chicago apartment before the assassination. The trail comes full circle. Chicago-Dallas-New OrleansChicago.

Robert F. Kennedy, in his book The Enemy Within, explained how such third-party telephone records are important evidence in gaining organized crime conspiracy convictions. “We find out who is in touch with whom and on what dates,” Kennedy wrote. “Say that A calls B; we get B’s calls; find that two minutes after he hung up from talking to A, he called C. Then we find from canceled checks, money going from A to C. Gangsters in Chicago all call the same barber shop in Miami Beach that gangsters in Detroit call – its being used as a syndicate message center. Records are far more important than witnesses.”

Peter Noyes, the California television producer who first uncovered Jim Braden’s name change and criminal records, wrote a book published in paperback, A Legacy of Doubt (Pinnacle Press, 1973), which details Braden’s background, associations with organized crime and possible involvement in the assassination. Shortly after Kennedy’s murder, in 1964, Braden became a charter member in the La Costa Country Club, near San Diego, California.

From Braden’s rap sheet of previous arrests, Noyes developed a profile of Braden, and knew that he had been arrested in Camden, New Jersey, in 1948. In his book Noyes reports that, “The Camden police have since refused to divulge any details concerning that arrest, but it must be noted that there was considerable organized crime activity in the Camden area at the time.”

Since my father was a Lieutenant in the Camden Police Department at the time (1973), I showed him this reference in Noyes’ book, and shortly thereafter he handed me the original 1948 Camden arrest report [C.P.D. # 5648 - 9837] for Harry Eugene Bradley, as a material witness in the gambling case of Dominic Mattia.

Including front and side view mug shot, the report notes he is a White, Mail, 6 foot 1 inch in height, 175 pounds, of medium build, hazel eyes and brown hair. His date and place of birth is noted as 11/30/14 and Fort Worth, Texas (Sic, actually Kansas). His occupation, Salesman. FBI # 799431 and SBI # 381026. FPC 23 1 A 10 14 – 1 A 10 18.

A small card details that on May 5, 1948, Harry Bradley, of 24 Benson St., Camden, N.J. an American, White, Mail, Salesman, age 33, not married, can read, condition-sober, was arrested by Detectives Conley, Bobiak and Trout as material witness in the case of Dominic Mattia, at 3:40 PM in the 4th Ward, and was lodged in Cell No. 2-N, as received by Sgt. Stanton. He was later released by “Carson” with the disposition of the case being dismissed on 5/7/48.

The FBI Record SB # 381026 is two pages long, listing the 14 times Eugene Hale Bradley (aka Eugene H. Brading) was arrested and fingerprinted before May 1948. The first was on 5-15-34 for burglary, while others were for running a gambling house, auto theft and war powers act, for selling Office of Price Administration (OPA) gas ration books, mainly in Miami, Florida.

There is also a note: “#4287-N USN, Miami, Fla., 1-7-43 Black Market gas coupons, 12-7-45 probation revoked. Taken into custody 12-7-45 for service of sentence originally imposed – 1 year in institution of penitentiary type.”

The Camden arrest record was kept in files in the basement. Rather than because the Camden PD was controlled by organized crime, as Peter Noyes suggested in his book, the reason he was never given the records is because the secretaries who received his request didn’t want to get dirty in the dingy basement records room. When my father attempted to obtain a current arrest report on Braden however, they FBI refused his request, something he said never happened before.

In the clipping morgue of the Camden Courier Post newspaper I located a small news report of the 1948 gambling arrest, and another larger story from many years later that mentioned Dominic Mattia’s involvement in a bankruptcy scheme. I obtained Mattia’s address from the public phone directory and visited him at his suburban Camden home in Cherry Hill, New Jersey [on Monday, June 2, 1975].

Mattia told me that he had been arrested for gambling with some friends and that Braden just happened to be in the store where they were raided at the time. “I remember the him,” Mattia said, “but I only knew the guy for one day. He was a drifter. It was just a coincidence that he was there at the time. He then left town and I never saw him again.”

It seems that Jim Braden has a knack for being in the wrong place at the wrong time.

In his book Noyes also notes that Jim Braden was in Los Angeles on the night Robert Kennedy was assassinated.

In 1977 Congress officially reopened the investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy by convening the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). When former Philadelphia prosecutor Richard Sprague was appointed chief counsel of the committee, I hand delivered a photo copy of the Braden file from the Camden PD to Sprague’s law office in Philadelphia, just across the Delaware River from Camden.

Sprague, who had successfully prosecuted the political assassination of a United Mine Workers union official, was not buying the lone-nut scenario for Kennedy’s murder and was quoted in the papers as saying, “I am not interested in whether Oswald was fed at his mother’s breast, my approach to motive is more direct.”

When it became apparent that Sprague was going to conduct a serious homicide investigation he was directly removed from his post in a political move that also led to the resignation of the HSCA chairman Rep. Henry Gonzalas (D. Tex.), also a witness to the assassination.

The Second Chief Counsel to the HSCA, G. Robert Blakey, was a former lawyer in RFK’s Justice Department, had founded the Cornell University Institute on Organized Crime and authored much of the RICO statutes that gave the government gang busting powers to attack organized crime.

Blakey cut back on the HSCA staff and scope of the investigation, failed to review any significant leads that implicated the intelligence agencies, relied on inconclusive scientific evidence and shifted the inquiry towards organized crime.

As an expert witness on organized crime, Blakey had previously testified in court in California [La Costa vs. Penthouse Magazine] that Moe Daltz, who with Jim Braden, was a co-founder of the La Costa Country Club, was NOT involved in organized crime activity. Former FBI agent William Turner said, “How he could do that with all that is known about Dalitz, I don’t know.”

After two years of conducting hearings and interviews, including two days of secret, closed door testimony of Jim Braden, Blakey’s HSCA issued a report that concluded there is evidence of conspiracy in the assassination, and disbanded.

Blakely insured that the HSCA records, including Braden’s testimony, would be sealed from the public by classifying it as “Congressional Material,” which under rule #36, ensures that the records were locked away for 50 years, or until 2029. While all other branches of government must comply with the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), Congress exempted itself from the law, and Blakey was quoted as saying he’s okay with that and, “I’ll rest on the judgment of historians in 50 years.”

Six months after the release of the HSCA “Final Report,” I received a telephone call from G. Robert Blakey’s assistant Michael Ewing, who was working with Blakey on a book about the assassination. I knew Ewing from his co-authorship of a previous book on the assassination, the appropriately titled Conspiracy or Coincidence?, which profiles many of the witnesses and suspects involved in the JFK assassination drama.

Ewing said he had been talking with Peter Noyes, the California television producer, who mentioned that I had obtained Jim Braden’s Camden, N.J. arrest record, and wanted a copy of it.

I told him that I had given Sprague a copy when he first took the job, but Ewing said that Sprague didn’t share all of his records with Blakey.

I said that I was glad he didn’t because if I had given Sprague the original record, and he had passed it on, Blakey would have locked it away for 50 years so nobody would have it.

When I asked Ewing why he was interested in the Braden file now, after the committee had concluded its investigation, issued its report and disbanded, and failed to even mention Braden in its Final Report, Ewing replied that, “The most important evidence was not published in the report or publicly released and is locked away.”

“We expect the Justice Department to officially reopen the case,” Ewing said, “and we didn’t want to tip our hand by releasing the most incriminating evidence.”

This contradicts the statements of Rep. Lewis Stokes, the third chairman of the HSCA, who said that they did not lock away any evidence of conspiracy.

While Blakey did not want the records of the HSCA released to the public, he did use material he obtained there to write, with former Life magazine editor Richard Billings, a book The Plot To Kill The President (Times Books, 1981), which concludes President Kennedy was killed by an organized crime conspiracy involving the Mafia.

The plot to kill President Kennedy was most certainly an organized crime, and did include members of the mob, the Mafia didn’t engage in a psychological warfare campaign to blame the assassination on Fidel Castro, thwart the Secret Service, control the Dallas Police investigation, cover up the criminal and conspiratorial aspects of the crime, prevent a forensic autopsy of the victims and lock up the most significant evidence for 50 years.

The JFK ACT of 1992 released most of the HSCA records, including Jim Braden’s two days of executive testimony, a transcript of which was obtained and shared by Peter Noyes.  

Jim Braden appeared anxious to testify in Executive Session before the JFK Sub-Committee of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). He finally got the opportunity on Tuesday, May 16, 1978 at 11:30 a.m. in room 1310 of the Longworth House Office Building. The Honorable Richard Prior, chairman of the JFK subcommittee presided.

Representatives Dodd and Pithian were also present, as well as Michael Ewing, Gary Cornwall, Richard Billings and a half-dozen other staff members. The room was cleared of unauthorized personnel and the proceedings were recorded by a stenographer. Mr. Braden was represented by DC attorney Kenneth M. Trombly.

The recordings of what transpired at that session, and another subsequent sworn deposition with Mr. Braden, were then locked away at the National Archives for 50 years from the termination of the committee in 1979. The second chief counsel to the committee, G. Robert Blakey, when asked about the secrecy, replied, “I’ll rest on the judgment of historians in 50 years.”

The American people did not however, and after intense pressure was placed on Congress, the JFK Assassinations Records Review Act was passed in 1993, which called for the release of all official records related to the assassination of President Kennedy. Among these records were the transcripts of the testimony that should have been public knowledge in 1978.

In 1978 Braden said his address was 3234 Peachtree Road, Northeast, Atlanta, Georgia, and his occupation was, “Pursuing the clearing of my name of the associations that have been made about me in books, magazines and newspapers.”

Among the accusations Braden had to explain was how he came to officially change his name shortly before he was taken into custody as a suspicious person at the scene of the murder of President Kennedy.

At that time, Braden was on parole and working in Los Angeles as an independent oil operator. Among the corporations he owned were the Matador Corporation of Texas and California. His main associate at the time was Roger Bowman, of Dallas.

He was on parole for violation of the Mail Fraud Act and the National Stolen Property Act. Braden explained, “This concerned a check that was transported from Texas to California by the bank. When the check went through the mails that was mail fraud. If the check was for more than $5,000, that constituted National Stolen Property Act.” The case was prosecuted in El Paso, Texas Federal Court.

In September of 1963 Braden said that he requested permission from his Los Angeles parole officer, Mr. Samuel Barrett, to travel to Houston for five days to discuss business. He was in Houston on September 16, 1963 when he left a note for the parole office there. He was to discuss business with Mr. D.D. Ford of the Tidewater Oil Company, but did not meet with him as planned, although Bauman may have met with Ford. Braden said he may have met with his production engineers, Paul Montgomery and Alan Hardy, who were with the Dixon Management Co., some oil geologists from Lafayette, La., and Vernon Main, Jr., an oil geologist from New Orleans. This mid-September trip to Texas was interrupted by a hurricane.

According to a letter to Braden dated November 18, 1963 from parole officer Barrett [Entered into the record as JFK Exhibit No. 109], Braden planned to return to Houston on October 27, 1963, but this trip was delayed to November 21. “It is understood that you will depart from Los Angeles via airlines on Wed. Nov. 20, 1963, and will travel directly to Dallas where you will remain until Monday, Nov. 21, (Sic Nov. 25) when you will continue your flight on to Houston, Texas, where you will remain until about Nov. 26th before continuing on to Opelousas, Louisiana. You are hereby instructed to contact the Probation Offices in Dallas and Houston, Texas after your arrival in those different cities and to follow any instructions given you in those cities….”

All the best plans sometimes go astray, and it just wasn’t going to play out that way. Braden recalls arriving in Dallas on Thursday, the 21st of November, though there is some discrepancy as to whether he took a commercial flight or private plane. Braden remembers the private plane. He traveled from Los Angeles with Mr. Morgan Brown, Mr. Duane Nowlan and Mr. Myron Routt. Brown was an oil consultant, and friend of Braden who gave him a job when he got out of the penitentiary. Nowlan owned and piloted the private air plane, and Routt was a wealthy, political investor.

At noon, shortly after checking in at the Dallas Cabana Moter-Hotel, Braden checked in with the Dallas probation office in the federal building. Mr. Robert Carroll sent a letter that day to Mr. Joseph N. Shore, Parole Executive at the U.S. Boar of Parole, First and D Streets, N.W. Washington, D.C., “as per Barrett’s instructions, Brading reported to this office at noon today stating that he planned to see Lamar Hunt and other speculators while here…Brading promised to notify us of his departure from Dallas…” [JKK Exhibit 110]. That Thursday, November 21, Brading and his associates had dinner at an Italian restaurant.

Braden recalled his interlude with Sheriff Bill Decker when he briefly lived in Dallas in 1952. While a guest at the home of Mrs. Lee Little, the widow of the founder of Magnolia Oil Co., and her husband, Braden’s good friend Victor Perrera, the Chief of the University Park police called Braden and asked him to come to the station. He was locked up for vagrancy, taken downtown “to see the sheriff,” fingerprinted, photographed, booked for vagrancy and locked in a broom closet until bailed out by Mr. Perrera. Sheriff Decker ordered Braden out of town, and he was photographed by news photographers while leaving.

On November 22, 1963 Braden recalled being taken into custody by one of Sheriff Decker’s deputies. Braden had breakfast with Bauman, Brown, Nowlin and Rout somewhere in a little café in downtown Dallas. Although they intended to stay another day, they decided to leave for Houston that afternoon instead. Braden then ad to inform the parole office of his change in itinerary and early departure. He did not however, tell his associates he had to do this.

“I ate breakfast and went over to see my probation officer,” Braden explained. He did not recall making or receiving any telephone calls while at the Cabana, nor did he see Mr. Hunt, as expected. Braden went to see his parole officer while the others went to see Hunt.

Walking to the federal parole office, Braden said, “…the street that the President’s motorcade was coming down was completely lined with people. I walked across the street and stood in front of the Tiches Department Store. There was a little ledge higher than the street. I stood on that. I watched the motorcade as it went by me…. I saw it in the papers, heard it on TV. It was well known he was going to be there.” But he said he did not intentionally plan his visit downtown so that he could see the President’s motorcade.

Braden made a sketch of downtown Dallas and mapped out his walk. [JFK Exhibit No.111 was entered into the record.] It is a sketch of downtown Dallas, making the points where Braden was at various times during the hour of the assassination. Recreating his walk, Braden said that after leaving the restaurant where he had breakfast with his associates, he stopped on the steps of Titches Department Store to watch the motorcade approaching. “The streets were completely lined with people waiting for the motorcade to come through. I crossed the street. While I was there I waited to see the President’s motorcade….I watched the motorcade come by ( and then proceeded to the Federal Building).”

“While I arrived, I cannot recall what floor the Probation Department is on, but as I arrived a the door the Chief Probation Officer, Mr. Roger Carroll had his keys out and was going to open the door, his receptionist standing there and me – this was the three of us. And he opened the door and I went in, signed the registry and went into his office and we sat there and discussed the motorcade momentarily and the President….I advised him I was leaving and going to Houston. We passed the time of day. He said good bye and I left.” They did not discuss whether or not Braden had seen Hunt.

Braden was asked about his interview years later with Los Angeles Detective Manuel Guterres, who attempted to obtain a photograph of Braden from his ex-wife, Mrs. Bauman of Palm Springs, California. (No one asks if she was also related to Braden’s associate Duane Bauman.) Guterres wanted to know how Braden came to be in Dealey Plaza when JFK was killed and was in LA when RFK was murdered. At the time RFK was killed, Braden said, “I was in bed with my wife (at the Century Plaza Hotel) at the time. We were watching television and saw Bobby Kennedy shot.”

When Guterries asked him where he was when President Kennedy was shot, Braden replied, “I was in the United States Probation Office checking in with Mr. Flowers…As I recall there wasn’t any Mr. Flowers….I had…forgotten Mr. Roger Carroll’s name. It could have been an honest mistake. I did not intentionally do it.”

So after visiting Mr. Carroll at the Probation office, Braden said, “I walked out, started down the street. I stopped, as I recall and got a sandwich, I believe at a little restaurant there. When I left there I was walking, I was looking for a taxi cab and these people were running up the street towards me…I distinctly recall this fellow had a camera over his shoulder saying, “My God, they have shot the President.”

Walking further on he came across Dallas Police cars with their doors open, and he could hear the police radio, “They were telling on the radio, everybody get to that building….I walked along the edge of what I later learned was the Texas School Book Depository Building. I recall the railroad tracks ran off this way and up to the edge of the building where all the people were there with the officers completely circling the building I was looking across the street. [The Sheriff’s report, Braden’s 11/22/63 statement is entered into the records as JFK Exhibit No. 112].

Braden continued, “I walked up alongside this building which is now known as the Dal-Tex Building. I was peeking around the corner, I asked somebody what is happening. They said they have somebody up there who shot the President and these officers had their guns up there pointing to this building….As I proceeded along – there were crowds of people on the sidewalk and I asked one of the ladies who was walking along in my direction, I said, ‘Is there a telephone in the area?’ She said, ‘ There is one in my building on the third floor’ and we passed through this walkway to a freight elevator.”

Asked whom he wanted to call, Braden said, “My family in Santa Barbara, my mother and father. I thought this was quite a news events to call and tell them what occurred in Dallas. And I went up to the third floor. There was a women standing there who tried to use the telephone. She hung up. I started using it. She said, ‘It is out of order.’ I turned around. ‘How do I get out of here?’ She says, ‘There is an exit right over there.’ Because I didn’t know where I was in this building I was looking for an exit. I came up in a freight elevator. I was looking for an exit. I was on the third floor….She says, ‘There is a freight elevator there now.’ With this I went over and got back on and started to descend. This was at the time when this old gentleman who was steering the elevator began to look at me a little askance. He had a radio there in the elevator and it was blaring the Kennedy matter out and whatnot. He became more concerned as we were riding this elevator down. I no more than got on the ground floor, he ran back up this runway to an office in uniform and I am following the fellow right along because what can I do? I could not run away. If I ran away they would probably shoot me on the spot.”

“I just took this man up and down in the elevator,” Braden quoted the elevator operator as saying. “With this, the officer says, “Well, we have to check out everything.” With this the officer takes me and we walk out in the center of this area here where there were all these vacant areas where all these policeman were surrounding the building. I definitely recall at the time that I looked over and I could see men coming out. They had a gun on a string or a rope or something. Whatever time that was, I don’t know…about thirty minutes (after he left the Federal Building).”

When the Sheriff’s Deputies asked him for identification Braden first showed them some credit cards. “I pulled out the first thing that was in my wallet. I had my driver’s license too…We went over to the Sheriff’s Office…There we walked into this room where there were many other people sitting around. I sat down,….told two detectives what happened….Then I saw for…say three or four hours. Two Secret Service agents asked me how I was to get home. They asked if I signed a statement…With this I went to a girl who had a typewriter in the desk. She typed it out as I spoke and I signed it…As I understand it they told me they were Secret Service Agents. That is how I knew that…It was pretty hectic time in the Sheriff’s office, people running in and out of there all the time.” The two Secret Service Agents then gave him a ride back to the Cabana Motor Hotel, where he found his associates had already checked out, so he caught a commercial flight to Houston to catch up with them.

As for Braden’s early life, he told the HSCA he was born in Kansas, left home at nineteen, spent time in a reformatory. His parents moved to California during WWII. He bought them a house in Santa Barbara in 1960, and calls home every Sunday.

His mother once asked him, “Is it true, son, what these people say about you, about all this bad notoriety that came out?”

“Even my own mother questioned me, and that hurt,” Braden said, acknowledging that he never did call her that day.

As for Braden’s associates, “I saw them the next day in Houston at the Sheraton-Lincoln Hotel. We all gathered there. They asked what happened and I didn’t tell them anything because it was embarrassing to me.”

Braden reiterates that they all flew to Dallas from LA on Nowlin’s plane and not by commercial airline (a fact disputed by Brown). Braden flew by commercial airline to Houston while the others left earlier on Nowlin’s plane (possibly out of Redbird AP). From Houston they flew to West Texas, possibly San Angelo to meet an oil speculator named Charlie W., last name unknown. They never went to Opelousas, La., as planned, and returned to Los Angeles. Braden went on to New Orleans.

Braden’s excuse for getting caught in the Dealey Plaza dragnet: “When the event came up of Mr. Kennedy’s assassination, I had a curiosity which apparently I shouldn’t have had and I became involved.”

Braden said that he later returned to Dallas some years after the assassination, and “married a young women from Dallas, Texas (Jeanne Dicentis) and I was in Dallas society after that.” He also admitted having, “laid out my whole story to Hugh Hainesworth, who was with the Dallas Times Herald….He was in the plaza when the president was shot. If anybody he would know anything that transpired there. I would have to say that he would know more than anybody else.”

Braden said that he went to Cuba in 1937-38 and lived in New Orleans in the summer of 1963, under U.S. Parole supervision. At the time he lived in New Orleans he was married to Mrs. Mildred Bauman of Palm Springs, California, “and was living off the considerable income from my oil production.”

In New Orleans he lived in an apartment complex on Saint Charles Avenue, past the Pontchartrain Hotel to be closer to his oil wells, and companies, the Empire Oil and Royalty Corporation, of Lafayette, Louisiana. His attorney was Duncan Smith. His closest friend and associate in New Orleans was Vernon Main, Jr., and oil geologist who kept an office in Room 1701 in the Pierre Marquette building, where Braden frequently visited.

A Dec. 23, 1977 letter to the probation office requesting dates Braden was under parole supervision in New Orleans was entered into the record [Exhibits 114, 115, 116]. Braden testified that he did not know G. Ray Gill or recognize photo [Exhibit No. 71]. He did not know Col. Blueford Balter or William Monteleon, although he was entertained at the Monteleon Hotel nightclub, possibly in June, 1963. Braden did not know Mike or William McLaney, nor did he visit a hunting cabin on Lake Ponchartrain. Nor did he know David Ferrie, Carlos Marchelloo, Lawrence Meyers, Jean Aase/West, and while a social Baptist, he has “not gone to church in awhile.”

Braden did not recall using the alias Edgar Eugene Bradley, even though his arrest record [JFK Exhibit 117] indicated he used the name Harry Eugene Bradley when arrested in Camden, N.J. on March 5, 1948.

Braden was not familiar with Jeannette Porforto, aka Jada, although Candy Barr “rang a bell.” Nor did he recognize a photo of Guy Bannister, did not know Nofio Pecora, and only recognized Clay Shaw’s photos from the newspapers. He did not know Harold Tannenbaum, Jack Martin or “the United Cuban Catholic Missionary Friends or Forces.”

Braden had been a member of the Petroleum Club of LA, “until the book came out and I resigned.” He once had dinner at the Dallas Petroleum Club with his wife Jean Dicentis and the former President of the Republic Bank and his wife (circa 1967). Braden said he may have met Jim Garrison once, “on a street corner or something, said hello to him.”

Braden said he first met Mr. Victor Perrera around 1949. They had interest in two oil wells in Matagora County, Texas, with Perrera’s interests under the name of Velco Products. Braden did not know of Delco Oil Products, was never associated with World Oil Company, formed in Beverly Hills in 1963.

Morgan Brown hired him out of the penitentiary. Braden did known Earl Scheib, who Perrera worked for, and whom he knew socially through Brown. He did not know Scheib’s associate Robert Barney Barker.

A letter from Braden to Ed Davis, LAPD [JFK Exhibit No. 120] is quoted, “Of the many misrepresentations made by agents and officers of the LAPD as reflected in the book [By Noyes] are and were my associations with James Fratianno, Charles Rhodes, Stephen Sambor, Harry Meltzer, Joe, George and Fred Issica and Meyer Lansky.

JIM BRADEN DEPOSITION

Jim Braden returned for a second appearance before the Select Committee on Assassinations on July 26, 1978. For the record, Braden now gave his address as Eugene H. Braden, 2028 East 7th St., Charlotte, North Carolina, 28201. (704) 376-9055.

Having taken the testimony of Morgan Brown since Braden gave his earlier testimony, the committee counsel tried to clear up some discrepancies, such as Braden saying he flew with Brown in a private plane from LA to Dallas, while Brown recalls flying a commercial airline. Brown also recalled the Cabana Motel being booked solid that Thursday night, so Brown recalled staying with his sister while Braden stayed at a motel near the airport.

According to Braden, “Morgan Brown was the one who I think more or less engineered this trip and that he knew, this is his hometown from years back, and he knew everybody in the oil business there. He was seeking oil deals as I was, as I recall.” Braden did not remember going to the Cipango Club, a private club, for dinner.

The Hunt offices were located in the Merchantile Building, 1704 Main Street. Braden did not recall Jimmy Kemp, who brown visited in an office in the same building. Titches Department Strore [Braden Photo No. 1, the Dallas Federal Building Braden Photo No. 2].

Braden reiterated the fact that he checked in with a parole officer, “I definitely spoke to Mr. Carroll….I am absolutely positive and absolutely positive of the approximate time that I was in his office” – 12:30 pm on November 22, 1963, though committee counsel notes, “Mr. Carroll at this time is not able to recall whether or not you came in that day or whether or not you saw him that day.”

Braden asked, “Now, what does Miss Sands have to say about it? She was the receptionist for him at the time and she was there at the door when he was at the door unlocking the door to go in,” Braden said as they discussed the circumstances of the motorcade, “how handsome the President was and how he looked and the circumstances of the motorcade.”

Braden comes across as a completely innocent person who, by coincidence and happenstance became involved in the assassination and who has been slandered by journalists who have taken advantage of his criminal past.

Then he mentioned two items that completely contradict that portrait. Braden said that he received a death threat in August, 1976, shortly after the murder of John Rosselli. Braden said that he was in Atlanta, Georgia, “in the Hyatt House…sitting in the lobby one day, my name was paged and I asked for a phone and some guy said, ‘You are next,’ and hung up. What he meant by it I don’t know. But this is the time they found a body down there in Florida and whether it was a joke or not, I don’t know…I don’t know if I am being followed or not. I only know one thing, from what I read in the magazines and newspapers and all, there were 18 that started out and there are only two left, - and that is (Loren) Hall and Braden…we are the only two left. I feel that I am physically endangered over this assassination matter.”

The second significant item he mentioned concerned an attempt to get his parole supervision lifted through contacts with J. Edgar Hover at the Del Mar racetrack.

Braden said Leon Snyder, “was going to come to Washington and get our parole restrictions lifted, or that effect, through a Presidential pardon.” This attempt involved a Mr. John Manaraino [phonetic spelling], of who Braden said, “I met him at the race track…We called him ‘Joe’ or ‘Joey’ or something to that effect. I met him at the Del Mar race track and he was aware of Pereira’s and my situation that we had. How he was aware of it I don’t know. He was going to get our parole supervisor lifted, and the only way I knew the man is that J. Edgar Hover used to go to the races considerably and Mr. Clyde Tolson, and I had the occasion to meet them there at the race track. They didn’t know who I was and they didn’t know that I had my case, so to speak, but anyway I know he and Mr. Hover were very close friends and so I assumed that the man was a nice fellow or Mr. Hover wouldn’t be friendly with the man. I saw Joey and Hover conversing considerably around the track there,….I think that I met them there at the track, and it was only briefly…They were at all of the meetings. They would come out to California for those meetings – race meetings I’m talking about.”

Braden said he did not know Gordon McClendon, although he did know Merve Adelson, from the La Costa Country Club. “Around 1963 or 1964 when they started building it, I was invited to join by a professional golfer from Palm Springs,…Eddie Sullesa [Phonetic spelling], from Inland Country Club…He moved over to La Costa and I visited him there one day while they were building the clubhouse and he said, ‘you ought to join this,’ and I said, ‘I will,’ and so I did…And for the record, the cost, I think, was $100 to join and the dues were $17.50 a month.”

Braden said he was a member, “up until the time of the book (Legacy of Doubt) releases had come down and they took my name off the board and I was no longer a member. It was 1873 when the book came out.”

Braden may have known a man named “Rosanova” and Chicago mob point man in Las Vegas, Anthony Splitro, and he admitted to possibly meeting Allen Dorfman once, but claimed he never met or knew Murry Chotiner, the American Volunteer Group, Paul Roverman (sic Rothermel) of Hunt Security, or Robert DePUgh, who served time, as did Braden, at Leavenworth. He did not know Reverend Wesley Swift, was not familiar with the Defense Industrial Security Command of the Redstone Arsenal, Michael McKowan or members of the John Birch Society.

In his closing statement, Braden said, “I am going to request again that Mr. Roger Carroll, Chief Probation officer in Dallas be pinned down as to why he made statements to the press that were not true…He knew the day before exactly when I was in his office and the following day, then he didn’t happen to remember… And why is he covering up and why is the Chief U.S. Probation officer stonewalling and covering this matter up? None of them want to be involved, but they want to involve me immediately. Authors and journalists involved me and that is how I became involved in this. Whatever this Committee can do to straighten the matter out and to get at the truth of it, I would appreciate because I want my name cleared and I want the stigma removed from my name and my family’s name.”

“I have waited a long time and spent a lot of money on it and I am still trying to clear my name and I haven’t read one sentence anyplace in any newspaper where it says I didn’t do it or didn’t have any reason to do it or the statements made in these publications are false.”

In a prepared statement entered into the record, Braden wrote: “Let the record show that Peter Noyes…and Earl Golz, by their publications…dug my grave and completely ruined my life….(by)...creating the charges I was connected in a sinister conspiracy to assassinate former President John F. Kennedy…and completed my execution and burial….Mr. Carroll and Ms. Sands…have not voluntarily come forward with the truth and they refuse to tell the facts regarding my whereabouts when Kennedy was shot….I have written over 150 letters to U.S. Congressmen and urged them to vote for the resolution which established this very House Select Committee on Assassinations in order for the American people to learn the truth regarding the assassination of former President Kennedy, and for confidence to be restored in the Government by the American people.”

“This House Select Committee must put to rest many of the issues, theories and speculations as possible, dreamed and stated by authors and journalists in their incorrect and libelous publications.”

So even though Braden maintained his innocence, and that it was just a coincidence that he was taken into custody as a suspicious person at the scene of the President, his association with Magnolia Oil Company, his living in New Orleans in the summer of 1963, his association with Vernon Main, Jr., his brush with J. Edgar Hover and Clyde Tolson at the Del Mar race track, and the threat to this life shortly after the murder of John Rosselli are all indications that there is more to the Jim Braden file than what has been accumulated and released so far.

A telephone call (Oct. 23, 1993) to his 1978 DC attorney Kenneth Trombly, Trombly said that he had no idea where Braden is today.

7. The Catherwood Foundation – Private Fund serves as conduit for CIA cash and cover.

Catherwood Fund Catherwood, Cummins. 1910-. Financier, philanthropist. Formerly co-owner, Evening Public Ledger; director, Bryn Mawr Trust Co. President, Mineral Production Corp. President, Catherwood Foundation. Trustee, Academy of Music; Board of Governors, Philadelphia Museum of Art; Board of Directors, Philadelphia Orchestra Association. Residence: Gladwyne.

CATHERWOOD FOUNDATION

From the clipping files of the now defunct Philadelphia Evening Bulletin [now located at the Urban Archives, Paley Library, Temple University in Philadelphia], it was reported on November 28, 1947 edition that, "A petition for a non-profit corporation to be known as the Catherwood Foundation was filed in common pleas court today…to establish a fund, or funds, the income from which will be used exclusively for religious, scientific, literary and educational purposes."

With an address in Bryn Marr, Pennsylvania, [14 Elliott Ave., Suite 10, Bryn Marr, 19010 / (215) 525-3720] on the Philadelphia Main Line suburban train route, the Catherwood Foundation was originally directed by Cummins Catherwood, his wife Mrs. Ellen Cowen Catherwood, his sister, Mrs. Charles G. Chaplin, Othelia Aarnolt, William Hamilton and I.F. Dixon-Wainright.

Independently wealthy from a family inheritance that was accumulated in the munitions industry during the industrial revolution, Cummins Catherwood married the former Ellen Cowen Coats and lived in an estate they called "Baja Sumantaga," an East Indian word that means, "welcome weary traveler." Along with his family, Catherwood was quoted as saying that golf, sailing, bridge, skiing and travel were his unchanging interests."

During World War II Catherwood went on a special air mission to Germany, about which he later said, "I had a feeling that much could be done by individuals towards international understanding that couldn’t be done by governments."

The main feature of the Catherwood Foundation is the Catherwood Fund, ostensibly a philanthropic fund; it also served as a conduit for the funding of covert CIA operations during the Cold War.

Catherwood’s sister, Mrs. Charles G. Chaplin, one of the Fund’s directors, knew Peter Fleming, the British MI6 agent and brother of Ian Fleming, author of the 007 James Bond novels. Peter was an amateur ornithologist and is said to have been one of the models for Fleming’s fictional hero, whose name was appropriated from James Bond, the renowned Philadelphia ornithologist and author of the classic ornithological work, "Birds of the West Indies."

Ian Fleming must have also known or knew about Catherwood, as he based one of his villains – Milton Krest of the "Hildebrand Rarity" [From: "For Your Eyes Only"] on Catherwood’s unique profile. Fleming quotes "Krest" explaining the Foundation system to James Bond while they are aboard Krest’s yacht fishing for rare species. "Ya see, fellers, it’s like this. In the states we have this foundation system for lucky guys that got plenty of dough and don’t happen to want to pay it into Uncle Sam’s Treasury. You make a Foundation – like this one, the Krest Foundation – for charitable purposes – charitable to anyone, to kids, sick folk, the cause of science – you just give the money away to anyone or anything except yourself and your dependents and you escape tax on it."

"So I put a matter of ten million dollars into the Krest Foundation, and since I happened to like yachting and seeing the world, I built this yacht with two million of the money and told the Smithsonian that I would go to any part of the world and collect specimens for them. So that makes me a scientific expedition, see?"

In 1948 Catherwood had a yacht built in New England to his personal specifications, "The Vigilant," and sailed frequently to the Caribbean with friends, associates and on occasion, with some scientists who collected specimens for the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences and the Smithsonian. On one particular Vigilant expedition in 1948, Catherwood was accompanied by ornithologist James Bond, who collected rare bird species on the various out islands they visited.

But Catherwood’s fund was not just a tax loophole, as Fleming implied, but rather, it also served as a secret conduit for funding covert CIA operations. David Wise and Thomas Ross, in their groundbreaking book "The Invisible Government," (Vintage, 1977, p. 247n), exposed the CIA’s network of Blue Blood benefactors when they reported that, "…conduits for the CIA money included the Cathewood Foundation."

Since then, other writers, such as Joseph B. Smith ("Portrait of a Cold Warrior"), have mentioned the CIA use of the Catherwood Foundation as a front for CIA activities as well. The activities of the Catherwood Foundation created a web of intrigue that extended behind the Iron Curtain into Russia, as well as Cuba, the Philippines and Vietnam.

Although the full extent of these activities have yet to be publicly explored, and much of it is still classified and kept from the public record, the Soviets knew about the secret relationship between the CIA and the philanthropic foundations from the very beginning.
Created by the National Security Act of 1947, an outline of the charter of the CIA was written by Ian Fleming when he visited Washington with his boss, Admiral Godfey, the Chief of British Naval Intelligence.

The British MI6 liaison with the CIA and FBI in Washington after the war was Harold Adrian "Kim" Philby, the notorious KGB double-agent who wrote his memoirs from Russia, "My Silent War" (Grove Press), in which he describes the meetings he attended with Frank Wisner, the head of the CIA’s Office of Policy Coordination, responsible for Covert Operations and Dirty Tricks.

According to Philby, "Wisner expiated on one of his favorite themes – the need to camouflage the source of secret funds supplied to apparently respectable bodies in which we were interested…"

Philby quoted Wisner as saying, "…It is essential to secure the overt cooperation of people with conspicuous access to wealth in their own right."

Cummins Catherwood was one of those people, and his Catherwood Foundation was one of those respectable bodies.

In July, 1956 Catherwood, like the fictional Milton Krest, went "looking for new fish" off the Bahamian reefs. In May 1958 Catherwood announced that he had given financial aid to projects in the mental health field at the Institute of Pennsylvania Hospital. He also gave money to the Granary Fund of Boston, which was directed by George H. Kidder, who is listed in "Who’s Who" as "with General Counsel, CIA, 1952-1954," as well as being on the board of directors of Collins Radio, Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

In his book, "Portrait of a Cold Warrior," Joe Smith wrote: "…former ambassador to the Philippines Myron Cowen joined Cummins Catherwood in persuading a few staunch friends of the Philippines, such as Gen. Leland S. Hobes, ex-Joint Military Advisory Group chief; Charles V. Griffiths, the publishers, and Gen. Hugh Casey of the board of Schenley Distillers, to set up the Committee for Philippine Action in Development, Reconstruction and Education. Somehow, this just happened to form the acronym COMPADRE – the one word that held more meaning than any other for a Filipino. Gabe Kaplin was resident director of COMPADRE, on the spot to carry out all sorts of good works, backed by a bankroll the size of which Filipinos could only guess."

The Catherwoods enjoyed traveling as well. In March 1957, Mrs. Catherwood toured North Africa with the former first lady, Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt as guests of the Sultan of Morocco. In June 1960, Catherwood and his wife traveled to Helsini, Finland, taking the Oswald Route on the first leg of their journey to the USSR and behind the Iron Curtain. On their return, Mrs. Catherwood was quoted as saying, "Moscow is as drab as Akron, Ohio, but Leningrad is glorious."

As Main Line Blue Blood personages, the Catherwoods frequently made the society pages. On March 27, 1970 the Catherwoods attended the wedding of the season, between Princess Jane Obolensky of Grosse Point, Michigan and Dean Rucker, with the reception being held at Great Harbor Cay, owned by Canadian Midas Lou Chesler.

One of Catherwood’s corporations, Visions, had offices in New York, England and Central America, providing Latin American publishers with a Spanish language news and feature wire service. On December 26, 1977 the New York Times reported that, "Another major foreign news organization that CIA officials said they once subsidized was Vision, the weekly news magazine that is distributed throughout Europe and Latin America. However, none of those associated with the founding of Vision or its management over the years said they ever had any indications that the CIA had put money into the magazine." Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza bought into Visions after the CIA connections became known.

Catherwood also sponsored the International Division of the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. In December 1960, Nicolas Chatelain, the U.S. correspondent for the Paris daily Fiagaro, became the first recipient of the Columbia/Catherwood Award for journalists. The second recipient, John Bertram Oaks of the New York Times, used the occasion to urge support for French President Charles deGaul against the revolt of the French generals in Algeria.

Among those aspiring foreign student journalists to receive grants from the Catherwood Foundation was Leona Shluder, then 23 years old, of Rio de Janerro, Brazil, who was quoted as saying she, "was impressed especially with the news coverage given President Kennedy’s assassination." Indeed.

The Catherwood Foundation also financially supported the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia, including the Dallas parish to which Marina Oswald had her children baptized, possibly without the knowledge of her husband, Lee Harvey, the accused assassin of President Kennedy.

Another organization of interest that was funded in its entity by the Catherwood Fund is the Cuban Aid Relif, established to assist Cuban refugees, specifically professionals who had previously supported the Castro revolution against Batista.

8.The Cuban Aid Relief – CIA front group helps refuges from Cuba.

CUBAN AID RELIEF

Of all the activities financially supported by the CIA conduit Catherwood Foundation, the Cuban Aid Relief (CAR) is one of the most interesting.

In the waning days of the Batista administration in Cuba, American diplomatic support shifted away from Batista to Fidel Castro. Once in power however, some of those who fought with Castro were disenchanted with his regime and left Cuba. Some of the Cuban refugees were professional businessmen whose holdings were nationalized, others were gangsters and prostitutes. Some had fought with Castro or supported him in various ways.

They created refugee problems in some cities, particularly Miami, Florida, but they also settled in Tampa, New Orleans, Dallas, Chicago, New York, North Jersey and Philadelphia.

In Philadelphia the Cathewood Foundation established the CAR "to provide assistance to Cuban exiles with no connection with the deposed Batista regime, …and to make as wide use as possible for the professional men, artists and businessmen who fled the Castro forces."

In 1961 the directors of the CAR were Cummins Catherwood, former U.S. Ambassador to Cuba Arthur Gardner, E. Wharton Shober of ATEC corporation, Harrison Wood and Enrique Menocal, the only Cuban national among the directors.

With a sense of history, they officially named the organization "The General Leonard Wood Fund for Cuban Aid Relief," in honor of the U.S. Army surgeon who was the first American governor of Cuba.

Lt. Leonard Wood had organized the 1st Volunteer Cavalry with Teddy Roosevelt. After the battleship Maine mysteriously blew up in Havana harbor – The Tonkin Gulf of the Spanish-American war, the 1st Volunteers saw action. Wood received a promotion after the first engagement and Roosevelt succeeded him as the leader of the regiment. Under Roosevelt’s command the 1st Volunteers achieved notoriety for its famous charge up San Juan Hill, which was led by both Roosevelt and Wood, effectively destroying the moral of the Spanish and making Roosevelt and Wood American heroes.

After spending two years as Governor of New York, Roosevelt’s political opponents had his name placed in nomination for Vice President under William McKinley, a ploy to get Roosevelt out of the limelight of power. The plan worked when McKinley won the election, but then backfired when he was shot and killed by a "glassy-eyed" anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo, New York. Although anarchist publications printed a warning about the assassin, Leon F. Czolgosz five days before he shot McKinley, Czolgosz claimed he acted alone. He was convicted and executed in the electric chair within a month of the murder.

One of the first things Roosevelt did as President was to name General Leonard Wood the first American Governor of Cuba. Besides Wood’s grandson, Harrison Wood, the Cuban Aid Relief also enjoyed the support of Theodore Roosevelt III and Samuel P. Wise, who was writing a book on the  career of General Wood.

Other members of the CAR included Roland Taylor Ely of Princeton, N.J., Reeves Wetherall, an executive of Wanamakers Department store, Richard P. Sellder, Ivan Oblinsky and CAR/ co-directors E. Wharton Shober and Enrique Menocal.

A boyhood friend of Fidel Castro, Menocal had a unique position in the Cuban revolution. Menocal’s family, like Castro’s, was well off. They owned huge sugar plantations in the Cuban countryside. As successful businessmen, their parents were wealthy aristocrats and part of Cuba’s elite society. Fidel and Enrique attended the best schools, and were trained with refine tastes, but came to despise the Batista regime and became revolutionaries.

Both Castro and Menocal attended the University of Havana, where Castro studied law and Menocal economics. Menocal eventually became a professor of economics at the University, which became a center of anti-Batista activity in Havana. When Batista left Cuba on January 1, 1959, Castro was still eight days away, so the leaders of the Student Revolutionary Directorate (DRE), including Dr. Rolando Cubella, took over Batista’s offices and smoked his cigars until Castro arrived.


One of the first things Castro did when he assumed power was to name Enrique Menocal the director of the Cuban Sugar Institute. On October 17, 1960 however, Menocal, his wife and four children sought refuge at the Brazilian embassy in Havana. Once safe in the United States, in January, 1961, Menocal held a press conference in Philadelphia where he said, "…the bearded dictator will be ousted within three or four months." Exactly four months later, the exiled Cuban brigade stormed ashore at the Bay of Pigs.

Menocal said the last time he saw Castro at a dinner party in Havana, "The man looked strong and healthy, but was neurotic, schizophrenic and had the glassy-eyed stair of a madman."

Newspaper articles indicate that the CAR also ran outreach programs in Florida, providing medical care to exiled Cubans at a Miami field office staffed by five doctors, which worked closely with the Catholic Welfare Services charity.

Also in Florida, the CAR worked with the Pan-Am Society of America, which also received money from the Catherwood Foundation. Before the Guatemalan Coup of 1954, the director of the Pan-Am Society, Curtis Wilgus, organized a conference at the University of Florida’s School for Latin American Studies that was funded by the United Fruit Company.

The Pan Am Society’s liaison with the CAR, Miss Carmelita Manning, met often with CAR other co-director E. Wharton Shober, and the two organizations co-sponsored a seminar for exiled Cuban journalists at the University of Miami (See: JMWAVE) in July, 1963.

At the time E. Wharton Shober was director of the ATEK corporation, which sold printing machinery and provided financial services to anti-communist publishers in Latin and Central America. For his work with ATEK in 1963 Shober received the President’s "E" Award from Asst. Sec. of Commerce Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., for excellence in Export, though it more likely was for Espionage.
Shober, a nephew of former Pennsylvania Governor George H. Earl, attended Princeton before service in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) during World War II.

Before Shober, the director of ATEK was Dr. Ralph Deshan, who left Philadelphia and ATEK with his wife to raise beef cattle in Nicaragua with Manuel Artime.

When Shober left ATEK he became president of Hahneman Hospital in Philadelphia, replacing Dr. Charles Cameron, a cancer specialists, who had received a $400,000 research grant from U.S. Army Intelligence.

At Hahneman Shober worked with New York psychiatrist Dr. Albert A. Laverne, establishing a controversial drug treatment program that experimented with giving pure carbon dioxide to junkies, which led to the death of Robert Brown, a black man married to a Main Line heiress.

Philadelphia Magazine described Shober as, "…the polo playing, perennially controversial president of Hahneman Hospital, another fixture at the Main Line balls and debuts, and good friends with Nicaraguan dictator Gen. Anastasio Somoza, one of the godfathers of the Bay of Pigs invasion." In June 1972 Shober arranged for Somoza to receive an honorary degree from Hahneman medical college, over the objections of faculty and students. Shober left Philadelphia in 1978 to work in Saudi Arabia in the hospital administration field.

Besides Enrique Menocal, another Cuban exile who was assisted by the Cuban Aid Relief was Dr. Julio Fernandez, who was relocated to rural Martinsburg, Pa., where he taught Spanish at the local high school until he was implicated in the assassination of President Kennedy and became the subject of the subsequent investigation

9. Julio Fernandez – Cuban refuge gets tangled in web when nosey neighbor rats.

JULIO FERNANDEZ


On the night of President Kennedy’s assassination, Clare Booth Luce, the wife of Time-Life publisher Henry Luce, received a telephone call from Julio Fernandez, a crew member of an anti-Castro Cuban attack boat that she financially co-sponsored with William Pawley.

Pawley, a Miami multi-millionaire, staunch right-wing conservative and former owner of the Havana bus system and airlines before Castro, had helped General Claire Channault form the original Flying Tigers during World War II. He also served as U.S. Ambassador to Brazil and Peru, and persuaded Clare Booth Luce to help finance a fleet of motorboats that attacked Cuba like the Flying Tigers fought the Japanese.

According to a Congressional Report, "Pawley envisioned them as Cuban ‘Flying Tigers’ flying in and out of Cuba on intelligence gathering missions." Luce agreed to sponsor one boat and its three-man crew, one of whom was Julio Fernandez. She met with her Cuban commandos in New York on three occasions and published a story about them in Life Magazine.

She referred to them as "my boys," but until the night of the assassination, hadn’t seen or heard from them since the October, 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, when the raids were said to have been discontinued.

On the night of the assassination however, Julio Fernandez called Luce on the telephone and told her he had some information on Lee Harvey Oswald, the President’s alleged assassin. Luce claimed Fernandez told her that Oswald had approached the anti-Cuban group that Fernandez belonged to and offered his services as a potential assassin.
"The Cubans however, didn’t trust Oswald," the report continues, "and suspected him of being a communist, and decided to keep tabs on him. They eventually penetrated Oswald’s ‘cell’ and tape recorded his talks, including his bragging that he could shoot anyone, even the Secretary of the Navy."

Fernandez told Luce that Oswald came into some money, went to Mexico City and then Dallas. Fernandez said that he still had tape recordings of Oswald as well as photographs of Oswald and samples of the handbills he had distributed on the streets of New Orleans.

Luce later said that she advised Fernandez to contact the FBI immediately, and didn’t think about the incident again until the Garrison investigation in 1967. She then recontacted Fernandez, and he told her that one of the members of his group has since been suddenly deported and that another had been murdered. He himself, wanted nothing more to do with the Kennedy assassination.

When Congressional investigator Gaeton Fonzi tried to track down Fernandez, Luce said that "Julio Fernandez" may have been the Cuban’s "war name," like those used by Sylvia Odio’s visitors, "Angelo" and "Leopoldo," and the Congressional report concludes, "no such individual was every found."

But there is a Julio Fernandez, a suspicious suspect investigated by the Pennsylvania State Police and the FBI and whose records are published among the exhibits of the Warren Commission. This Julio Fernandez was a Cuban professional who may have known about an association between Jack Ruby and Lee Oswald before the assassination.

On November 27, 1963, Corporal Theodore Lezar was stationed at the Hollidaysburg, Pa. State Police barracks when Robert Steele, of Altoona, Pa., stopped in and advised that he had some information that might have a bearing on the assassination of President Kennedy.

Steele, the brother of Mrs. Margaret Hover, of Martinsburg, Pa., told Lezar that sometime in the third week of October, 1963, his sister found some items in the dry leaves immediately below her porch. The items included an envelope, a used train ticket and a throwaway trailer advertisement, which had hand, scrawled notes on the back that might have a relation to the assassination.

The envelope was from the Seaboard Airline Railroad Company of Miami, Florida. The used ticket indicated the holder had a coach reservation on the railroad for seat #48, Car #3E, on a train leaving Miami at 12:40 pm on September 29, 1963, arriving in Washington D.C. the following day.

The back of the trailer advertisement contained the names "Ruby" "Lee Oswald" and the "Silver Slipper," as well as some drawings of a window, some other names and a six-digit number.

When the State Police interviewed Mrs. Margaret Hover at her home she confirmed what her brother had told them, saying that at first she thought the items belonged to her estranged husband, who was in the trailer business and she showed them to her daughter, remarking that "Ruby" and "Lee" were probably women her recently divorced husband was seeing.

She then realized however, that the items came from her neighbor’s yard, where similar items were being burned in a trashcan.

The FBI then got involved and interviewed Mrs. Hover’s daughter, who also confirmed the fact that her mother found the items and showed them to her, and indeed the names "Ruby" and "Lee Oswald" were written on the back of the advertisement.

Of course, this is the FBI at work, so instead of going over to the neighbor’s house right away, they talk to the daughter’s husband, who told them his wife tends to exaggerate, was on tranquilizers and believed everything her mother told her, effectively discrediting her.

Mrs. Hover then produced the envelope and train ticket, but could not locate the trailer advertisement with the names on the back. Interviewed again, the daughter continued to maintain the names were there and wouldn’t back down under FBI pressure.

So, Special Agents of the FBI J. Edward Kern and Richard Randleman of the Pittsburgh, Pa. Field Office reluctantly went to the door of the neighbor who burned his trash in his backyard. Their report became Warren Commission Exhibit #3076.

Mrs. Hover’s neighbor, Dr. Julio Fernandez, explained to the FBI that he was a Cuban refugee and former editor and publisher of La Nacion newspaper in Cuba. As Minister of Information in the regime of Carlos Prio Soccaras, he at first welcomed the Castro revolution, but then turned against it when Castro became a communist.

Fernandez said that his brother-in-law, Antonio Larraz, had been a Captain of Police under Batista, but the Batista government was oppressive. Fernandez emphasized to the FBI that he was not a communist and was not on welfare, but working as a Spanish language teacher at the local high school and was trying to build a better life for himself in the United States.

In addition, Fernandez told the FBI that his sister-in-law, Aurora Fernandez was the mayor of a small rural town in Cuba and his wife, a Spanish attorney, worked for a Cuban refuge relief organization in Miami, and with the Catholic Welfare Society.

Although Fernandez didn’t know anything about the trailer advertisement with the names on the back, nor did he know Lee Oswald or Jack Ruby, he did acknowledge that his son Julio Fernandez, Jr., had used the train ticket to travel from Miami to Washington.

The official investigation ended there, but I called Mrs. Hover on the telephone in the early 1970s after reading the reports published in the Warren Commission, when she still lived at 105 South Walnut St., Martinsburg, Pa., and she reiterated the facts as they occurred and added some new information. Mrs. Hover said that Fernandez often worked late into the night typing a manuscript, and that his son Julio Fernandez, Jr. was an artist and often away at School, Penn State. She also noted that Fernandez had signed a three year teaching contract with the high school and recently purchased a home in Martinsburg which he began to renovate when suddenly he sold the home and left town, possibly relocating to Rye, New York.

In addition, Mrs. Hover said that years after the FBI interviewed here two men in suits came around asking more questions about the incident, indicating that there was still some investigation of Fernandez years after the FBI lost interest, yet before Fonzi began looking for him.

JULIO FERNANDEZ AT POINT MARY

Bradley E. Ayres, in his book The Zenith Secret, identifies Julio Fernandez as a team leader from the Point Mary safe-house and Karl, a CIA case officer, as being director of the Elliot Key Project. Shortly after the assassination, Clare Booth Luce said she received a phone call from Julio Fernandez, one of the leaders of the anti-Castro Cuban boats she financially supported.

Also shortly after the assassination a Julio Fernandez, Sr. was investigated by Pennsylvania State Police and the FBI after a Martinsburgh, Pa. neighbor considered his burning of papers and typing late into the night suspicious. She retrieved some of the burnt papers which included the names Lee and Ruby and a train ticket to Florida, showed them to her daughter and told her brother, who notified the State Police of a possible connection to the assassination.

Fernandez told the police that he was a Cuban exile, former Cuban newspaper publisher, who was teaching Spanish at the local high school. His son, Julio, Jr., an art student at nearby Penn State University, used the train ticket that summer to attend a conference of Cuban exile journalists at the University of Miami, a conference that lasted five weeks.

Shortly thereafter Fernandez packed up and left town, later pursued fruitlessly by HSCA investigator Gaeton Fonzi.

Fernandez, Jr. however, was enrolled at Penn State when the relatively small art school there received as a guest lecturer, Sir Athony Blunt, the Surveyor of the Queen’s Pictures, and former MI5 counter-intelligence agent who was later revealed to be the fifth man in on the Cambridge Spy ring.

If in fact, the anti-Castro Cuban commando operations run by the CIA were indeed infiltrated thoroughly by pro-Castro Cuban G2 intelligence, and shared such information with their Soviet allies at the KGB, does Blunt’s sudden and surprising visit to the obscure Pennsylvania art school have a connection with at least one particular student there – Julio Fernandez, Jr.?

And is this Julio Fernandez or his father of the same name, identical with the Julio Fernandez of the Point Mary safe-house and lived near who worked with Bradley Ayers at JMWAVE?

And is this the same Julio Fernandez supported by Clare Booth Luce, who called her on the night of the assassination?

According to Royce Bierma, Dr. Julio Fernandez, who was born on January 3, 1909, died on August 2, 1992 in Miami, Florida.


10..Foreknowledge and Black Prop Ops – Assassination and Psychological Warfare.
FOREKNOWLEDGE AND JFK ASSASSINATION

Sun Tzu said: "Now the reason the enlightened Prince and the wise general conquer the enemy whenever they move and their achievements surpass those of ordinary men is foreknowledge."

"What is called foreknowledge cannot be elicited from spirits nor from gods. Nor by analogy with past events, nor from calculations. It must be obtained from men who know the enemy situation." – The Art of War – Chapter XII – Employment of Secret Agents.

One of the hallmarks and "fingerprints of intelligence" that makes the assassination of President Kennedy a covert intelligence operation is the foreknowledge certain people had of the event, and expressing it to others before it occurred.

- Bray – See: Bray v. Bendix trial transcripts re: JEFCOTT.
- Cambridge, England – Telephone call. See: Bowen, Howard.
- Cheramie, Rose – Jack Ruby associate. See: Louisiana State Police (HSCA)
- Dinkin, Eugene B. – American soldier in Germany, claims to have picked up on the assassination plot from Army Security Agency monitor of OAS, the Algerian French Generals, went AOL and tried to inform American ambassador. See : Russell, Dick, TMWKTM.
- Grace, William – "Shortly before the assassination an executive of the Grace Lines was found unconscious in the street. Taken to a hospital, he mumbled that the president was to be shot. He had an appointment with Army Intelligence agents before he was found." – (Paris Flamonde, The Kennedy Conspiracy). Also : "An executive of the Grace Lines suffered a concussion after coming into contact with an Army Intelligence agent. While in a delirium he said, ‘The President is in danger!...". [Also NoteLHO wrote to mother/brother he "made reservations on a Grace liner." ]
- Martinez, Jorge Soto – On Nov. 1, told Lillian Springler at Parrot Jungle in Miami JFK to be killed by "Lee, been to Russia, Mexico." JSM lived in apartment above Mike McLaney’s garage, former Cuban Customs, worked at Fountainblu Hotel.
- Martino, John – To his wife, on the morning of the assassination (See: Summers, Vanity Fair, SWHT), also Larry Hancock’s "Someone Would Have Talked."
- Milteer, Joseph - (RIP Feb. 28, 1974) Alias Samuel Steven Story. See: William Agusta Somerset – Agent 88 - undercover conversations. NO, April 63.
- Odio, Syliva – See: Fonzi, Gaeton (HSCA; The Last Investigation)/ Russell, Dick (TMWKTM).
- Oxnard, California telephone call – See: Peter Noyes, Legacy of Doubt.
- Paine, Michael – Was talking about political assassination as JFK was being killed.
- Philbrick, Herbert – See: Jean Hill. Philbrick expressed foreknowledge of the assassination.
- Rivera, Jose, Dr. (Col. USAR) – See: Adele Edisen (ARRB). Rivera not only expressed foreknowledge of JFK’s assassination, but also of his son Patrick’s premature death and that LHO would move into the apartment on Magazine Street, New Orleans before LHO knew.
- Underhill, G. Garrett – See: Turner, William, Ramparts.

CIAIR

 Dr. Ralph Cox and USOA vs. CIAIR – Weak Link in the Covert Action Chain
When Dr. Ralph Cox left the military after serving as a Navy flyer during World War II he didn’t return to his Pittsburgh dental practice but instead bought some government surplus airplanes and began the United States Overseas Airlines, based in Rio Grand, near Wildwood, New Jersey.

In 1947 there were hundreds of similar, small, independent airlines like Cox’s USOA, mainly servicing remote areas that were considered unprofitable routes for the large scheduled airlines.

By 1962 USOA was one of the largest, most reliable, safe and financially stable supplemental air carrier in the country, operating six DC6s and 12 DC4s, most of which were clear of any debt.

A few years later the planes were grounded and the company bankrupt, mainly because their long-held and properly serviced Military Air Transport (MAT) government contracts were suddenly and mysteriously diverted to a few, newer, smaller and untested airlines, including Southern Air Transport (SAT).

Although Cox suspected political schennigans were somehow involved at the time, it is now well known that SAT was a wholly owned subsidiary of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the other airlines who received the diverted contracts had secret intelligence connections.

"The CIA put us out of business," said Cox, who has been running a camp ground at the Jersey Shore, not far from the Cape May County International Airport where the USOA once operated.

When the CIA’s connections to Southern Air Transport were first revealed in 1975 by Victor Marchetti and John Marks in their book The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, both Cox and Richard Newman, of California Air Charter both separately sued the CIA and the Civil Newman failed to get monetary restitution and Cox’s case was thrown out of court on a technicality, both men wanted to get back into the air and fly again.

At his home Cox sifts through reams of files he claims supports his case while he explains how, even before the CIA buried them, the CAB tried to suppress the small independent airlines to the benefit of the major carriers. This was done not only to the detriment of the industry, but also hurt the pockets of the general public and even endangered the nation’s security, as well as eliminating their jobs and livelihoods.

"We were a good, solid airline, and not a fly-by-night operation," Cox asserts. "We owned all our own equipment and planes and had good, dependable employees."

Newspapers and magazine clips of the period show that USOA developed one of the first flight simulators to train pilots, successfully serviced remote points that were unprofitable to the major carriers – like Alaska and Okinawa, pioneered group charters and was the frits airline to employ native stewardesses, breaking a once stringent segregation barrier.

USOA, along with other small, independent carriers, were branded "Non-Scheduled Airlines" by the Civil Aviation Board (CAB) and nicknamed "non-skeds." They were the little guys in the same business as TWA, United, Eastern and Delta. They’re the ones who provided emergency airlift relief and support to Berlin, Israel, the Congo, Korea and the Defense Early Warning (DEW) outposts in the artic. The industry’s collapse made the evacuation of South Vietnam a major fiasco.

Although the CAB has been disbanded and the industry "deregulated," the non-skeds are still out of action. They not only lost their business, but their wings, and they want to fly again.

The non-skeds’ case against the CIA became a newsworthy issue in the 1980s because of the SAT involvement in the Iran-Contra affair. In fact the whole secret operation came unwound when the Sandinistas shot down a SAT Contra supply plane in Nicaragua.

Baggage handler Eugene Hasenfus survived the crash and was captured. In his pocket was the name and phone number of Feliz Rodrigez, the Cuban Bay of Pigs Brigade veteran and personal friend of George W. H. Bush.

This was not the first time a CIA operation was blown by an airman who survived being shot down over enemy territory. In 1958 Allen Pope was shot down and captured while working on Gen. Ed Lansdale’s "Indonesian Operation."

Pope was a Civil Air Transport (CAT) pilot who, once he was released from the Indonesia prison in 1962, went to work for SAT. Alex E. Carson, the attorney for SAT at the time, was also the lawyer for Double-Check Corporation and CARAMAR – the Caribbean Marine Aero Corporation, the CIA front companies that hired the Alabama Air National Guard pilots to fly during the Bay of Pigs, some of whom were killed during the invasion. Secret CIA operations in Indonesia, Cuba and Nicaragua were all blown by the weak link in the covert action chain – the air link.

One of the most significant players in the Iran-Contra deal was Al Schwimmer of the Israel Aircraft Industry, who first proposed the United States swap arms for American hostages in Iran in the first place.

Adolph "Al" Schwimmer, an American born Israeli citizen and close advisor to former Israel President and foreign minister Simon Perez, helped instigate the Iran-Contra affair by suggesting the American hostages in Iran could possibly be exchanged for military hardware. Israel then refused to permit Schwimmer to testify before Congress on the special prosecutor investigating the Iran-Contra scandal.

According to Cox, Schwimmer used to operate out of the Burbank, California airport. "He leased one of my planes to assist the early government of Israel," said Cox, "but eventually they ended up stealing the plane." Since they used the USOA plane to ferry diplomats, arms and other cargo to the fledging country of Israel, U.S. Air Force General Curtis LeMay threatened to shoot it down for violating U.S. neutrality laws.

"When the Israelis learned about LeMay’s threat," relates Cox, "pointing to a Life magazine article and photo, "they appropriated the plane, painted El Air markings over the USOA insignia and used it to begin their national airline." Cox said he was later paid the insured value of the plane, but not for the time it was used by Schwimmer.

Stewart Steven, in his book The Spymasters of Israel, reports that, "….Al Schwimmer, the remarkable American Jew who, in 1947, became one of the founding fathers of the Israel Air Force by purchasing old aircraft in the United States and cannibalizing them to produce serviceable planes for Israel. Since then, Schwimmer had risen to become president and chief executive of Israel Aircraft Industries, which he started from nothing and which now employs 15,000 people."

Steven also details Schwimmer’s role in the 1968 covert operation that led to Israel obtaining the blueprints for the French Mirage jet fighter aircraft, and refers to him as one of the world’s most knowledgeable arms dealers.

According to the President’s Tower Commission Report on the Iran-Contra affair, Schwimmer was initially responsible for suggesting the arms for hostages deal with the Iranians, and for leasing the cargo aircraft that was used to ferry U.S. missiles to Iran.
A private, commercial air cargo plane had to be leased because, as one insider put it, "jaws would drop if a plane with Israel or U.S. markings landed in Iran."

But when it came time to transfer the arms, Schwimmer’s lease for the planes had expired, and retired General Secord was called to acquire new planes, and he resorted to the old CIA standby – Southern Air Transport – SAT.

SAT was founded in Miami, Florida in 1949 by F.C. "Doc" Moor and Stanley G. Williams. On October 1, 1960 the CIA paid $500,000 for the little airline that had only $100,000 in assets, and according to Christopher Robbin’s book Air America, "….immediately began to fly international MATs contracts to undisclosed destinations."

While Air America ran the CIA’s Far Eastern routes, Southern Air Transport took care of the Latin American routes. The CIA also owned Air Asia, Intermountain Aviation and several other air charter companies.

The whole Iran-Contra connection began to come unraveled when the SAT plane was shot down by Sandinistas in Nicaragua while delivering arms to the Contras, and Eugene Hasenfus survived. Although the CIA maintained that it no longer owned SAT, agency attorneys and corporate managers with intelligence connections maintained control over the airline. "I don’t care what they say," said Cox, "I believe SAT is still controlled by the CIA."
"At first we had to fight the CAB," Cox relates, "but they were a political entity, and we could deal with them, but how do you fight the CIA? We had to fight the federal government every step of the way."

The CIA has acknowledged that it owned SAT from 1962 until 1973.

The CAB, by over-regulation, had forced the Non-Skeds to rely on Military Air Transport (MAT) contracts to survive, contracts that were safely and successfully fulfilled for many years.

But suddenly millions of dollars in MAT contracts were cut off and given to the small, relatively unknown Southern Air Transport.

"Although we had a spotless record, without one passenger ever getting so much as a scratch, they grounded our planes," explained Cox, "and the military was banned from using the types of planes we had. So all of a sudden, we had ten planes rotting on the runways."

The independent airlines that ferried U.S. troops and relief supplies around the country and the world for years, to Israel in 1948, Hungry in 1955, Belgian Congo in 1960 and Berlin in 1962 were suddenly grounded.

On September 24, 1964, $250 million in MAT contracts were diverted from some 30 independent airlines, including USOA, and given to SAT and five other CIA linked carriers. USOA filed for bankruptcy.

"We didn’t know what happened until ten years later," said Cox bitterly. As a conservative, Republican, anti-Communist veteran, Dr. Ralph Cox didn’t suspect secret government collusion at first, and really didn’t learn the specifics until 1974, when Marchetti and Marks wrote about the CIA links to the airline industry in their book.

"There was dirty works at the crossroads all the way through," said Cox, "but we didn’t know it. We naively thought that we were dealing with the federal government, like the Post Office, a neutral, unbiased entity. Well, we’ll never believe that again."

The CIA didn’t even underbid the other airlines. "In some cases, they even charged more," Cox said.

According to a congressional aide who looked into the matter for then Congressman William Hughes, "This whole story is kind of intriguing. It’s the kind of thing you expect to find in a cloak and dagger mystery novel. But actually it had quite an impact on Cape May County’s economy. If they had been able to stay in business and grow, they would be quite significant players in the airline industry today."

By the mid-1950s the approximately 500 supplemental airlines had been widdled down to 150 Non-Skeds, and in 1962, the 30 airlines that had shared the $250 million in MATS contracts were suddenly shut out and the contracts given to six small, relatively new air carriers. Two of them, Air American and Southern Air Transport, were wholly owned subsidiaries of the CIA.

Although he didn’t know the CIA was involved, Cox did notice that Southern Air Transport and the five other airlines that received the MAT contracts were all represented by Coates Lear or connected to Lear’s National Air Carriers Association (NACA).

Since Cox’s USOA had serviced a U.S. Navy contract that was picked up by the Air Force, Cox knew that Lear worked out of the D.C. law office of Zuckert, Scoutt & Rasenberger.

Mr. Eugene Zuckert, a senior partner in the firm, was the Secretary of the Air Force, and Coates Lear was his law partner. Both Lear and Zuckert served as presidents of the NACA. Gerald Scoutt later replaced Ed Daley as Chairman of the Board of World Airways.

Lear was attorney of record for World Airways, Capitol Airlines, ARCO and a major stockholder of Overseas National Airlines, all companies that received the MATS contracts. (The other airline that received MATS contracts was Los Angeles Air Services, which became Trans-International, which was under Ted Burwell, another CIA connected officer).

Because of its destructive, below cost military contracts, ONA reported a minus net worth of nearly $4 million in 1960, and used a number of DC7s that American Airlines had made available to General Leasing Corporation, a subsidiary of the Convair Division of General Dynamics.

Continental Airlines hired Pierre Salinger as a corporate officer. Salinger possibly knew of the CIA connections to the airlines because of his position as President Kennedy’s assistant.

Continental also obtained government contracts, including lucrative troop transport contracts delivering soldiers to Vietnam. Continental opened a Nevada based subsidiary, Continental Air Services, and made Robert Rousselot president. Rousselot, an ex-Marine pilot, was an old CIA China hand who had worked for CAT for 17 years.

Recognizing Lear’s influence in the awarding of the MATS contracts, Cox went to Lear and asked him to help arrange for the USOA to continue receiving the MATS contracts in order to stay in business. Lear told Cox, "the boys won’t let you in," as if it was some elite private club for members only. Cox called the CIA connected airlines "MATS Mistresses."

In 1962 Cox testified before a Congressional committee that the new policies, "…practically eliminated independent supplemental air carriers, even though Congress has always held them to be a vital part of our economy and our national security."

The too-few of Ed Daley’s World Airways planes were sent to evacuate Saigon and Da Nang, which certainly indicted how the failure of the supplemental airline industry was a direct threat to our national security. The two World Airways planes that landed in Da Nang to evacuate civilians were swamped by thousands of refugees, some of whom hung on to the wheels of the jets as they took off. South Vietnamese soldiers beat off women and children to make the flight.

Eventually Congress decided to investigate these matters, but when Robert Roussoulet was scheduled to testify before a Congressional committee in 1976, he mysteriously failed to appear, and never did testify.

One CIA director eventually asked the simple question, "How many planes does the CIA own?" But the answer came back that they really didn’t know. In fact, one of the CIA airlines had more employees (30,000) than the CIA itself.

On February 5, 1963 the CIA airlines were formally organized under the umbrella of EXCOMAIR – the Executive Committee for Air Proprietary Operations. EXCOMAIR was, "to provide general policy guidance for the management of air propriety projects and review recommendations for approval of air proprietary project actions." Lawrence Houston was appointed chairman of the committee.

In the fall of 1963 Coats Lear was killed by a shotgun blast to the head. Although some suggested it was suicide, others believe he was murdered.

Lear was a law partner in Eugene Zucker’s firm, and Zuckert, as Secretary of the Air Force, was involved in the awarding of contracts.

Ed Driscol, the man who handled the administration of many of the MATS contracts at the Pentagon, became Executive Director of the Civil Aeronautics Board after the death of Lear. Later, Driscol became VP at World Airways, one of the companies he funneled MATS contracts to from the Pentagon and CAB.

Driscol was the Director of Transportation under Joseph Imire, the Assistant Secretary of the Air Force and John H. Rubel, the Asst. Secretary of Defense. With CAB chairman Alan S. Boyd, they effectively ended the competitive bidding for MATS contracts and arbitrarily awarded them to their favorite airlines connected to the CIA and/or Lear & Zuckert.

Ruble, Imire and Driscol all resigned shortly before the death of Lear. While Driscol went on to the CAB and World Airways, Ruble and Imire became Vice President of Litton Industries, a major defense contractor.

Another explanation for Lear’s death is provided by Amos Heacock, another independent airline owner put out of business by the CIA, who believes that is a connection between Lear’s demise and the assassination of President Kennedy shortly thereafter.

Heacock believes Lear’s law partner, Eugene Zuckert, as Secretary of the Air Force, had something to do with the scheduling of the President’s visit to Texas. He may have been responsible for the upkeep of Air Force One and Two, the planes provided for Executive office use by the President, Vice President and the cabinet.

According to this theory, Zuckert, as Secretary of the Air Force, obtained foreknowledge of the assassination, information that was also picked up by Lear. This either drove Lear crazy enough to kill himself, or made him unstable and a threat tothose planning to kill the President, so Lear also had to die.

Zuckert, a graduate of Yale University, served as the Assistant Secretary of the Air Force from 1947-1952 and was a member of the Atomic Energy Commission from 1952-1954. He left the Nuclear Science and Engineering Corporation of Pittsburgh (no longer listed in the phone book) where he worked from 1960-61, to become Secretary of the Air Force. The NE&E Corp. is described in "Elites in American History" as "a relatively small Pittsburgh based concern which was backed by various financial interests, chief of which was probably New York’s Lehman Brothers, a concern with great politico-economic influence."

One of the most important decisions Zuckert made as Air Force Secretary concerned the F-111 jet fighter contract. Although every independent study recommended that the contract be awarded to Boeing, which designed both a less expensive and better performing aircraft, the contract went to General Dynamics.

This decision was made by four men – Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, Deputy Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatrick, Secretary of the Navy Fred Korth and Air Force Secretary Eugene Zuckert.

Gilpatrick was a former Wall Street law firm of Cravath, Swaine & Moore, and had previously represented General Dynamics, while Korth was president of Continental National Bank of Ft. Worth, Texas. General Dynamic’s Ft. Worth Plant eventually received the bulk of the contract.

[William Kelly’s research is supported in part by a grant from the Fund For Constitutional Government Investigative Journalism Project.]